Religion, Liberalism and the Social Question in the Habsburg

Hinterland: The Catholic Church in Upper Austria, 1850-1914

Max Herbert Voegler

Submitted in partial fulfillment of the

Requirements for the degree
of Doctor of Philosophy
in the Graduate School of Arts and Sciences

COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY

2006
 © 2006

Max Herbert Voegler

All Rights Reserved
 Abstract

Religion, Liberalism and the Social Question in the Habsburg Hinterland: The
Catholic Church in Upper Austria, 1850-1914

Max Herbert Voegler

This dissertation focuses on the diocese of Linz in the Habsburg Monarchy

during the second half of the nineteenth century, examining how the Roman Catholic

Church and its priests adapted to and confronted the broad set of modernizing forces

that were shaping the world around them against the backdrop of rising

Ultramontanism within the Church. The study is divided into three sections. The first

section explores the structural and ideological transformation of the Catholic Church

in Upper Austria in this period. With a focus on the clergy, it examines the changing

networks and structures of religious life; it investigates how the diocese changed under

the watch of Bishop Franz Josef Rudigier (1853-1884) and Franz Maria Doppelbauer

(1889-1908), and also under the influence of Ultramontanism. The second section

examines the confrontation with liberalism. It begins in the 1850s, exploring how two

events - the building of a general hospital in Linz and the burial of a prominent

Protestant in a small town - inform our understanding of the dynamics of Catholic-

liberal conflict in 1850s Austria. Next it turns to the height of the Austrian

Kulturkampf between 1867 and 1875, exploring, how liberals and Catholic-

conservatives presented a social vision that used the active exclusion of the 'other' to

define itself. The third section shifts from liberalism to socialism, and from a study of

the rise of Ultramontanism to that of Ultramontanism in practice. Examining Catholic

responses to the social question, the study argues that Ultramontanism created its own
internal set of contradictions when converted into policy, especially after the

publication of the 1891 encyclical Rerum Novarum. Instead of bringing the different

elements together within the Church, the encyclical had the opposite effect; each

group began to interpret the document in different ways and to act accordingly,

effectively demolishing the image of Catholic unity that existed around

Ultramontanism.
 Table of Contents

List of Figures .................................................................................................. ii

List of Tables .................................................................................................... ii
List of Abbreviations........................................................................................ iii
Maps of Upper Austria .....................................................................................iv
Acknowledgements............................................................................................vi

Introduction ................................................................................................................1

Section One: Linz, Upper Austria and the Catholic Church .......................................30
Chapter One. Upper Austria..........................................................................34
Chapter Two. The Priesthood in Upper Austria.............................................52

Section Two: Catholicism and Liberalism, 1848-1880 ..............................................87

Chapter Three. Liberal-Catholic Conflict during Neoabsolutism ...................89
Interlude: The Kulturkampf in Upper Austria, 1860-1874 ..............................134
Chapter Four. Trials of the Clergy, 1868-1874............................................141
Chapter Five. A Liberal Church? The ‘Old’ Catholic Imagination...............182

Section Three: Catholicism and the Social Question, 1854-1914.............................249

Chapter Six. From Poor Relief to the Social Question.................................252
Chapter Seven. The Problems of Political Action........................................300

Conclusion..............................................................................................................342

Appendices .............................................................................................................349
Appendix 1: Bishops of Linz, 1850-1914 ........................................................349
Appendix 2: Mayors of Linz, 1850-1914 ........................................................349
Appendix 3: Statthalter of Upper Austria, 1850--1914 ...................................350

Bibliography...........................................................................................................351
Archival Sources............................................................................................351
Newspapers and Periodicals..........................................................................352
Official Publications and Reference Works ....................................................352
Printed Sources .............................................................................................356
Secondary Sources.........................................................................................365

i
 List of Figures

Figure 1: Upper Austrian Regions / Administrative Districts, 1853-1867............iv

Figure 2: Towns and Upper Austrian Administrative Districts after 1867.............v
Figure 3: Population Growth in Linz and Upper Austria, 1851-1919..................37
Figure 4: Linz Population by Heimatberechtigung, 1810-1900...........................38
Figure 5: Employment in Upper Austria by Sector, 1900 ...................................39
Figure 7: Catholics per Priest in Linz and Upper Austria, 1851-1919.................57
Figure 9: Alumnen entering the Seminary, 1835-1907........................................61
Figure 10: Alumnen by Place of Birth, 1835-1907..............................................66
Figure 11: Signers of the 1870 Old Catholic Petition by Profession .................228

List of Tables

Table 1: Cities in Austria, 1869-1910 ................................................................36

Table 2: Elections to the Upper Austrian Diet, 1861-1909 .................................43
Table 3: Catholics per Priest, Prussia and Austria ..............................................55
Table 5: Alumnen in the Seminary by Decade, 1840-1907 .................................62
Table 6: Average number of Alumnen in the Seminary by Bishop per Year .......62
Table 7: Alumnen at the Collegium Germanicum, Profession of the Fathers, 1820-
1900 ...........................................................................................................67
Table 8: Austrians at the Collegium Germanicum, 1859-1913 ...........................70
Table 10: The Old Catholic Community in Ried and Cologne in Comparison..229
Table 11: Signers of the 1870 Old Catholic Petition in Ried by Gender and
Marital Status ...........................................................................................235
Table 12: Applications for Ehekonsens and Heimatrecht in Linz, 1852-1857...257

ii
 List of Abbreviations

AStL Archiv der Stadt Linz

BA Bischofshof Akten, Linz
BC Bischöfliches Consistorium
BMFC Bibliothek des Museums Franzisko-Carolinum
BO Bischöfliches Ordinariat
CA Consistorial Akten (with subheadings: /3: 1843-1870; /4: 1871-
1875; /5: 1876-1880; /6: 1881-1890; /7: 1891-1901; /8: 1902-
1914)
DAL Diözesanarchiv Linz
DOM Dombauakten
FAK Fakultätsakten
HA Handschriften
k.(u.)k. kaiserlich (und) königlich
KB Katholische Blätter
LDB Linzer Diözesanblatt
LTP Linzer Tages-Post
LVB Linzer Volksblatt
LZ Linzer Zeitung
MdI Ministerium des Inneren
MfC&U Ministerium für Cultus und Unterricht
NFP Neue Freie Presse
ÖNB Österreichische Nationalbibliothek
OöLA Oberösterreichisches Landesarchiv
OöLB Oberösterreichische Landesbibliothek
PER Personalia
SEM Seminarakten
SHL Statthalterei Linz
SPA Stadtpfarramt
StAR Statthalterei Allgemeine Reihe
StPr Statthalterei Präsidium
TPQ Theologisch-Praktische Quartalschrift
WZ Wiener Zeitung

iii
 Maps of Upper Austria

Figure 1: Upper Austrian Regions / Administrative Districts, 1853-1867

The above map shows the 4 regions of Upper Austria that formed the administrative structure
of the province from 1854 until 1867. In this period, the towns of Linz and Steyr enjoyed
special administrative privileges and are thus listed separately.

Source: Harry Slapnicka, Oberösterreich unter Kaiser Franz Joseph (1861 bis 1918), (Linz,
1982), p. 13.

iv
Figure 2: Towns and Upper Austrian Administrative Districts after 1867

The above map shows the twelve administrative districts of Upper Austria with their respective
capitals after the 1867 reforms. Further municipalities mentioned in the text are also included in
smaller type.

Source: Adapted from, Slapnicka, Oberösterreich unter Kaiser Franz Joseph, p. 16.

v
 Acknowledgements

The Internet search-engine Google recently developed a service entitled

“Google scholar,” which has as its motto, “stand on the shoulders of giants.” It is hard
to overstate the importance of those shoulders, from antiquarian Heimathistoriker to
theoreticians of historical method, for making ones own scholarship possible.
Scholarship is, above all, a long and engaging conversation with ones ‘peers’ – most
of whom one does not know and will never meet – and it is a pleasure to add my voice
a bit to the din.
At Columbia University, many people contributed to this dissertation. Within
the history department, I especially want to thank my advisor, Volker Berghahn, who
provided much support and always-constructive criticism during the writing process;
Bradley Abrams and István Deák, both of whom provided helpful feedback at various
stages; Victoria de Grazia, whose comments on one of my early dissertation proposals
did much to shape the way I would approach this topic; and Fritz Stern, whose
encouragement from the sidelines and occasional suggestion for further reading did
much to lift my spirits. Finally, Sarah Witte and the rest of the staff at the University
Library provided help and guidance whenever it was required – a truly wonderful
place to work!
I want to thank R. William Franklin and Pieter Judson, who served as
“externals” on my dissertation committee. Bill Franklin has been with this project
since its inception and provided much of the theoretical, theological and intellectual
fodder as I set about trying to “understand” nineteenth-century Catholicism. Pieter
Judson came relatively late to my project, but his comments on a draft and during my
defense provided much food for thought. Margaret Anderson lent me an ear and
provided good advice as I was finishing my research and trying to start writing.
Furthermore, Laurence Cole and the Centro per gli Studi Storici Italo-Germanici in
Trento were kind enough to invite me to present part of my findings at a workshop
there in the summer of 2004.
Work and research on this dissertation was made possible by a number of
fellowships. The Harrimann Institute at Columbia University provided two summer
fellowships to explore various themes in a pre-dissertation setting. Funds for extended
research trips to Austria and Germany were made possible by three organizations:
Columbia University provided a Traveling Fellowship; the Austrian government’s
Academic Exchange Service (Österreichischer Akademischer Austauschdienst)
provided a year-long fellowship for research in Linz; and the Annette Kade Charitable
Trust provided a generous fellowship in the transition from research to writing.
Doing research in cities and countries that are not ones own requires a good deal
of guidance and, in this regard, I could not have picked a better setting. In Upper
Austria, the staff in the archives and libraries was unfailing in their support as I sought
to orient myself in the local landscape. My thanks go to the staff at the
Oberösterreichisches Landesarchiv, especially its director, Gerhart Mackhgott, who
also served as my advisor within the Austrian Academic Exchange Service, and Franz
Scharf, who provided some guidance in the structural aspects of archival holdings in
the region. The Diözesanarchiv Linz is a genuinely wonderful place to work, and not
vi
just because the reading room has a nice lovely of the seminary gardens. Johannes
Ebner, its director, and Monika Würthinger, the second archivist there, answered a
thousand little questions about Linz and Catholicism, helping my project in
innumerous ways. In the Oberösterreichische Landesbibliothek, Friedrich Ortner spent
several afternoons with me hunting down obscure periodicals; and Marlene
Gerstgrasser, who worked in the stacks and reshelved the many books I dug out, was
unfailingly friendly and helpful. At the Johannes-Kepler University in Linz, Michael
John was the very model of a gracious host, providing more than a few dinners with
much wine and talk at his gorgeous house. And Michael Pammer, whose knowledge
of Catholicism in Upper Austria greatly outweighs my own, immediately got me
involved in a book project of his. Did I mention the beautiful landscape in the
Salzkammergut south of Linz? These things are all undoubtedly the spoils of a
regional history project.
Alas, graduate school does not consist only of long weekends in the
Salzkammergut. Many friends helped make my time in graduate school bearable and,
dare I say, enjoyable, contributing to this project in ways great and small. I especially
want to thank Eliza Ablovatski, Winson Chu, Michael Ebner, Christina Gehlsen, Uffa
Jensen, Ben Martin, Ryan Minor, Tom Ort, Ari Sammartino, Anna Salzano, David
Tompkins, and Todd Weir for their help, camaraderie and encouragement over the
years.
Finally, I want to thank my family. My parents, Barbara Rogers and Klaus
Voegler, and my brother, Sebastian, have provided support and encouragement
throughout the long life span of this project.
My biggest thanks, however, go to my wife, Ute, and our daughters, Hannah and
Marlene. All three are only now getting to know me in that exotic and strange phase
called ‘life after the dissertation.’ This work is dedicated to them.

vii
Introduction

This dissertation is a study of Catholicism in a period of rapid change. It focuses

on one diocese – Linz / Upper Austria1 in the Habsburg Monarchy2 – during the

second half of the nineteenth century, examining how the Roman Catholic Church and

its priests adapted to and confronted the broad set of modernizing forces that were

shaping the world around them. The focus will be on the Church’s3 involvement in

two conflicts – the first with liberalism, the second with socialism and the “social

question” – as they relate to the rising Ultramontanism within the Church.

1
The diocese is named after the city where the bishop resides, thus Linz. Upper Austria is the
corresponding province within the Habsburg Monarchy. The two are not completely congruent: the
diocese was established 1781/82 under Joseph II and, for some time, diocese and state administrative
province were geographically one and the same. A series of administrative reforms in the nineteenth
century, especially in and around 1848, made small changes to the administrative boundaries of the
Habsburg province but the Catholic Church did not follow suit, leaving small but not insignificant
divergences.
2
Finding the ‘proper’ term for the conglomerate of lands and peoples under Habsburg rule in the
nineteenth century has always been an arduous task. The western half was formally an empire, the
eastern half a kingdom, thus necessitating the acronym k.(u.)k. — kaiserlich (und) königlich — that
preceded every institution and imperial or governmental body. I will use the terms Habsburg Monarchy
or Austria-Hungary to denote the monarchy as a whole, and Austria or Cisleithania to denote the
monarchy’s western half, which, according to the 1867 constitution, officially consisted of, “the
Kingdoms and Lands represented in the Reichsrat.” For a succinct and humerous introduction to the
complexities of naming “die Monarchie,” as it was invariably known, see, Robert Musil, The Man
without Qualities, (1930), Eithne Wilkins and Ernst Kaiser trans., 8th ed., (New York, 1965), pp. 33-34.
For place names I have used the contemporary German term whenever no ready modern English
equivalent exists, adding the Czech or Hungarian name in parentheses when current practice disctates,
e.g., Budweis (České Budějovice). On the problems and politics of place names in Habsburg
historiography, see the ever-relevant note in, István Deák, The Lawful Revolution: Louis Kossuth and
the Hungarians, 1848-1849, (New York, 1979), p. xviii-xx.
3
A note on terms: for the sake of brevity, the phrase “the Church” with a capital “C” refers to the
Roman Catholic Church throughout the text, while church with a small “c” can refer to a church
building or to the organizational structure of a confession in a more general manner, e.g., “the various
churches in the German states.”
 2

Ultramontanism denotes a strain within Catholicism that emphasizes a strict

sense of hierarchy and the primacy of the pope within the Catholic Church as a

whole.4 I use the term Ultramontanism rather than ultramontane because, as Nicholas

Atkins and Frank Tallett have rightly noted, “in an age of ‘-isms,’ …[the term] came

to embody an ideology that took in liturgy, devotion, clerical discipline, theology and

extended to the realm of politics, social action and culture.”5 In relation to liberalism,

Ultramontanism denotes the idea of a Roman Catholic Church existing apart from –

or, on occasion, even above – the (liberal) state. Liberals6 had a quasi-secular7 vision

of society in which the Catholic Church was relegated to a ‘mere’ subsystem of

society and the polity rather than being one of its core components.8 Within the

4
Before the sixteenth century, ultra montanus (“beyond the mountain,” as the literal Latin
translation of the term Ultramontane conveys) implied a Catholic from “north” of the Alps (seen from
Rome) and was often used to imply moderate views in ecclesiastical politics. In the seventeenth
century, especially in the context of the long conflict between the Gallican bishops and Rome, the
definition began to shift; ultramontane was now used to denote Jesuits who were seen as “Italian” in
their allegiance. By the early nineteenth century, the term had taken on its present-day definition. See,
Phillippe Boutry, "Ultramontanism," in The Papacy: An Encyclopedia, ed. Philippe Levillain, (London
and New York, 2002), p. 1529; Ultramontane, 2003 [Online Encyclopedia]. Oxford University Press,
[cited 19 February 2005]. Available from <http://www.oxfordreference.com/views/ENTRY.html?
subview=Main&entry=t140.e82638>.
5
Nocholas Atkin and Frank Tallett, Priests, Prelates and People. A History of European
Catholicism since 1750, (Oxford, 2004), p, 130.
6
I follow Pieter Judson’s loose definition of Austrian liberals as “men and women, largely of
Bürger social origins [who] forged a political movement that challenged the legitimacy of reigning
systems of government.” The complicity of the Roman Catholic Church in supporting these reigning
systems was a central point in liberals’ efforts to establish “an alternative system of values and cultural
practices in Austrian society [and to] master specific political institutions.” Pieter M. Judson, Exclusive
Revolutionaries: Liberal Politics, Social Experience, and National Identity in the Austrian Empire,
1848-1914, (Ann Arbor, 1996), p. 1.
7
By quasi-secular I wish to emphasize that Austrian liberals did not envision a secular society with
a classic division of church and state. Rather, they felt that the Catholic Church’s grasp on the social
order was far too strong and needed to be “corrected” by the strong hand of the state.
8
On Subsystems (“Teilsysteme”) and the idea of secularization as the de-centering of a church’s
role in society, see, Niklas Luhmann, "Answering the Question: What is Modernity," in Niklas
 3

Catholic Church, especially among a younger generation of priests educated in the

1830s and 40s, liberalism produced a flood of antithetical sentiment ‘from below.’ As

the well-known Catholic theologian, Johann Adam Möhler, put it, “If there will be no

higher power than the state in Europe, then human freedom has come to an end.”9

These Catholics, profoundly shaken by the manner in which liberals wanted to limit

the power of the Church, began an intricate process of re-definition, one that

privileged an Ultramontane ‘social vision.’ From the mid-1850s until the mid-1870s,

lay Catholics in Upper Austria were awash in a flood of new associations and print

media (newspapers, journals and scores of devotional pamphlets); just as importantly,

they were also catered to by a new generation of motivated and dutiful priests. A

greater part of the Catholic laity participated willingly and, already by the late 1850s,

membership in Catholic associations in Upper Austria outpaced membership in liberal

ones by a ratio of more than four to one.

In the Habsburg Monarchy, Ultramontanism played a dual role within the

Catholic Church as both an “antidote” to liberalism and to Josephinism. Josephinism,

a mode of church-state relations initiated during the reigns of Maria Theresa and

Joseph II in the latter half of the eighteenth century, envisioned the Church as a

powerful appendage of the state, useful in disciplining and controlling the population

through the parish priest. This arrangement gave the Church immense amounts of

Luhmann's Modernity: The Paradoxes of Differentiation, ed. W. Rasch, (Stanford, 2000); Niklas
Luhmann, Die Religion der Gesellschaft, (Frankfurt am Main, 2002), pp. 278-280.
9
Cited in, R. W. Franklin, Nineteenth-Century Churches: The History of a New Catholicism in
Württemberg, England, and France, (New York, 1987), p. 9. Also see, Isaiah Berlin, "Joseph de
Maistre and the Origins of Fascism," in The Crooked Timber of Humanity. Chapters in the History of
Ideas, ed. Henry Hardy, (Princeton, 1990).
 4

power and responsibility – primary education and poor relief, for example, were

controlled by the Catholic Church on a local level and, in many smaller rural

communities, the parish priest was often the only direct link to the central

government.10 However, it also meant that the government kept close tabs on the

Church. Correspondence between the parish clergy and the bishop, between the

bishops and the nuncios, and between the Austrian Catholic Church and Rome passed

through the hands of administrative officials before it could reach its final destination.

In the early nineteenth century, a younger generation of increasingly Ultramontane

priests began to question this arrangement, arguing that it unduly limited the freedom

of the Church. When Ultramontanism reached what could be termed its “crowning

moment” in 1870 with the adoption of the dogma of papal infallibility at the first

Vatican Council, much of the groundwork in Austria had already been laid in the

preceding decades under the guise of anti-Josephinism.

Every “crowning moment,” however, signals a subsequent decline. Beginning in

the second half of the 1870s, Ultramontanism as a unifying ideology began to unravel,

partly at the papacy’s own doing. Pius IX (pope from 1846-1878) channeled

Ultramontanism ‘from below.’ He had taken an increasingly popular current among

conservative Catholic intellectuals and added a certain symbolic effect – e.g. the

emphasis on devotion to the Virgin Mary and the outspoken and over-the-top anti-

liberalism in documents such as the Syllabus of Errors (1864). When combined with

the promulgation of a Catholic-conservative “message” through the growing body of

10
On this point, see, Paul P. Bernard, "Poverty and Poor Relief in the Eighteenth Century," in State
and Society in Early Modern Austria, ed. Charles W. Ingrao, (West Lafayette, Ind., 1994).
 5

Catholic newspapers and periodicals, these factors created a powerful popular

movement that quite naturally placed the pope at the epicenter of the Catholic world.

When Pope Leo XIII (pope from 1878-1903) succeeded Pope Pius IX, the new

pope took the various strands of popular Ultramontane Catholicism spurred on by his

predecessor and attempted to turn them into a rigorous and coherent system of

Catholic ideology. Leo focused on Ultramontanism ‘from above.’11 While Pius IX had

been quite successful at bringing the various strands of Catholic-conservatism together

under the umbrella of Ultramontanism, he did not make much of an effort to give this

broad concept an ideological foundation beyond a general anti-liberalism and the

central position of the pope within the Church as a whole. Leo changed all that. One of

the new pope’s first encyclicals, Aeterni Patris (1879), called on theologians to return

to the teachings of St. Thomas Aquinas, placing a renewed emphasis on tradition and

the importance of doctrinal unity. As Georg von Hertling, the German Catholic Center

Party politician, noted, the new pope seemed to say,

Do not yet lay down the sword of conflict, but instead use the
other hand to take up a trowel and build a structure of Christian

11
I find the concept of “Ultramontanism from above/below” to be more useful than the idea of an
inward turn (“eine Wende nach Innen”) traditionally used by historians working on nineteenth-century
Catholicism in central Europe. See, for example, Wilhelm Damberg, "Wende nach Innen?
Katholizismus und Diktatur," in Sozialer Protestantismus im Nationalsozialismus. Diakonische und
christlich-soziale Verbände unter der Herrschaft des Nationalsozialismus, ed. Norbert Friedrich and
Jähnichen Traugott, (Münster, 2003); Markus Lehner, Caritas. Die Soziale Arbeit der Kirche. Eine
Theoriegeschichte, (Freiburg im Breisgrau, 1997), pp. 193-200. Lehner uses the phrase to discuss the
social work of the Catholic Church in Upper Austria in the 1850s; Damberg focuses on Catholic
associational life in the Weimar and Nazi-era Ruhr region. On the development and dominance of
neothomism, more generally, see, Gerald A. McCool, Catholic Theology in the Nineteenth Century: The
Quest for a Unitary Method, (New York, 1977); Gerald A. McCool, From Unity to Pluralism: The
Internal Evolution of Thomism, (New York, 1989).
 6

scholarship.12

With Aquinas as their guiding light, Catholic theologians were encouraged to give

Ultramontanism a firmer theological foothold while also unifying the disparate strands

of theology and streams of political that had emerged over the course of the nineteenth

century.

Yet Ultramontanism ‘from above’ was a complex process with unintended

consequences, especially brought to light through Leo XIII’s most famous encyclical,

the 1891 Rerum Novarum on the working classes and the social question. To many,

the plight of the working poor under laissez-faire capitalism and the general evils of

godless socialism presented an opportunity to re-focus on the unity of the Church, to

give it a renewed sense of purpose in an increasingly industrial, democratic and – it

must be added – secular world. Could socialism become the ‘new foe,’ rallying

Catholics together in the way that anti-liberalism had in the 1860s and 70s? With the

publication of Rerum Novarum, the Church finally seemed to find an ‘official’ voice

that, much like that of Pius IX on liberalism, represented a road map to Catholic

working-class activism. However, instead of bringing the different elements – the

higher clergy and bishop, the parish priest, the papal curia in Rome, and, of course,

Catholic employers and employees – together within the Church, the encyclical had

the opposite effect. Each group began to interpret the document in different ways and

to act accordingly. The bishop and higher clergy emphasized the evils of socialism and

12
“Leget das Schwert des Kampfes nicht aus der Hand, aber nehmet sofort in die andere Hand die
Maurerkelle und baut auf ein Gebäude christlicher Wissenschaft.” Cited in, Martin Fuchs, Reflexionen
zur Encyklica Aeterni Patris. Über die Wiedereinführung der christlichen Philosophy in die kathol.
Schulen nach dem Sinne des englischen Lehrers der hl. Thomas v. Aquin, (Linz, 1880), p. 2.
 7

the importance of the press; their version of the document barely mentioned the

working class and left out working-class associations altogether. Priests, on the other

hand, especially the social activists among them, often turned radical, becoming

capable campaigners on behalf of the working class. While Rome sought to encourage

such efforts on behalf of priests – the pope and his advisors repeatedly expressed their

disappointment in the unwillingness of Austrian bishops to take concerted steps in

combating the ‘social question’ – these efforts had the effect of undermining the rigid

Ultramontane hierarchical system in the dioceses established in the wake of papal

infallibility. As the bishops moved to quell dissent and reinforce a sense of hierarchy,

their efforts ran up against Ultramontanism ‘from above’ – in effect, Leo XIII’s direct

appeal to his Catholic ‘subjects’ on the social question – undermining the very sense

of hierarchy and ideological centralization that Ultramontanism has sought to instill.

The Setting

This dissertation will trace the rise of Ultramontanism and its shift from ‘below’

to ‘above’ on a regional level, examining first how Ultramontanism as anti-liberalism

began to take hold within the diocese, and then how the Church’s handling of the

social question would come to undermine these newly established Ultramontane

hierarchies. The diocese of Linz in the late imperial period (1850-1914) represents an

engaging setting for this study. First, the multi-national Habsburg Monarchy, unlike

France, Great Britain or even Germany in the nineteenth century, could not count on

nationalism as an integrating force. In its place, the ruling family relied on the army,

the bureaucracy, the nobility, the symbolic value of its own longevity, and, of course,
 8

Catholicism, to provide centripetal force to the myriad Habsburg lands and peoples.13

As Joseph Roth fittingly wrote in his novel, Radetzkymarsch,

Our Kaiser is a secular brother of the Pope, he is His Imperial

and Royal Apostolic Majesty; no other is as apostolic, no other
majesty in Europe is as dependent on the grace of God and the
faith of the nations in the grace of God. The German Kaiser can
still rule without God, by the grace of the nation. The Emperor of
Austria-Hungary must not be abandoned by God.14

More than most states, the Habsburgs had a vested interest in the theory and practice

of Catholicism in their lands and beyond. Second, Linz, as the capital of a religiously

and ethnonationally homogeneous province,15 allows this study to isolate one element

– religion – in the precarious mix of forces that kept the Monarchy together and study

it in relative isolation.

Finally, two long-reigning bishops who in many ways mirrored the larger trends

within Austria and Catholicism ruled the diocese of Linz during this period and it

makes sense to introduce them here in a bit of detail: The first, Franz Josef Rudigier

(1811-1884, bishop from 1853-1884), was one of the Monarchy's, if not Europe's,

most vocal and talented defenders of Catholicism. Born the youngest of eight children

to a poor smallholder family in the religious and conservative province of Vorarlberg,

13
On the centripidal and centrifugal forces within the Monarchy, see, Oscar Jaszi, The Dissolution
of the Habsburg Monarchy, (1929), Phoenix Paperback ed., (Chicago, 1961).
14
Joseph Roth, Radetzkymarsch, (Berlin, 1932), p. 290. In his 1938 Emperor’s Tomb, Roth also
wrote, “Austria is neither a state, a home nor a nation. It is a religion.” Both are cited in, Sidney
Rosenfeld, Understanding Joseph Roth, (Columbia, S.C., 2001), p. 47.
15
The percentage of non-Catholics – mostly Protestants and a few Jews – hovered around two to
three percent during the period under investigation.
 9

he was the first commoner (i.e., non-noble) and the up until then youngest priest

elected to the post. Rudigier first studied theology in Brixen before attending the

Frintaneum in Vienna, an elite seminary for priests from the Monarchy. Both

institutions had been founded in the spirit of Josephinism, with the mission of keeping

priests in Austria rather than sending them to Germany or Rome, and of keeping the

education of priests under the eyes of the state. By the 1830s, although the Josephinist

structures remained, both institutions had become hotbeds of Ultramontanism. Indeed,

Rudigier was an archetypal Ultramontane of what one might call the first post-

Napoleonic generation: extremely pious, deeply anti-liberal, and distrusting of the

state. To him, liberté, égalité, fraternité symbolized the chaos of occupation under

foreign troops, not the promise of freedom and better government – all products of a

childhood spent under Napoleonic rule.

When Rudigier became Bishop of Linz in 1853, he used the office to dismantle

the last remnants of the Josephinist system and fight for the interests of the Church.

Most famously, a pastoral letter of Rudigier’s protesting the anti-clerical May Laws of

1868 led to his arrest and conviction by the state for promoting civil unrest – the only

bishop in the late-imperial Monarchy convicted in a court. Rudigier very much

embodied Ultramontanism ‘from below:’ a Kulturkämpfer who sought to revitalize

Catholicism within his diocese by emphasizing the moral force of Catholicism as an

antidote to liberalism.

The second long-reigning bishop in the nineteenth century, Franz Maria

Doppelbauer (1845-1908, bishop from 1888-1908), was also the first “local” bishop –

i.e., the first born in Upper Austria who rose through the ranks there. A rigorous
 10

scholar who did not experience the same constraints on his education as Rudigier did,

Doppelbauer attended the prestigious Collegium Germanicum in Rome, where he

received doctorates in both canon and civil law. Thereafter he returned to Upper

Austria for a decade in a variety of posts before returning to Rome as the rector of the

Santa Maria dell’ Anima – the German national church in Rome. After his

appointment as bishop in 1888, Doppelbauer proved to be a methodical administrator

of his diocese: to ensure a steady flow of new priests, he built a new Jesuit

Gymnasium, the Collegium Petrinum, and expanded the priestly seminary; he built the

Catholic press association a new building for its activities and founded the diocese

archive; finally, he was much more actively involved in the everyday life of priests,

demanding long and detailed reports on candidates in the seminary, and taking a much

more methodical view in where these candidates would then be placed.

Doppelbauer thus embodied Ultramontanism ‘from above.’ He was

exceptionally well versed in the intricacies of Roman Catholic theology and was also a

rigorous administrator who strove to keep his priests in line. He was also much less

mistrusting of the state; a “real fan of the Habsburgs,” as historians have noted.16

Rudigier and Doppelbauer represent the two trajectories of Catholicism in nineteenth-

century Europe and a study of ‘their’ diocese in Upper Austria will shed new light on

how Ultramontanism was experienced at a local level while also deepening our

16
Johannes Ebner, "Die Anfänge des Kollegium Petrinum," Neues Archiv für die Geschichte der
Diözese Linz 11 (1996/1997).
 11

understanding of the changing role of the Catholic Church within the Habsburg

Monarchy.

* * *

This study began as an urban history of Linz from a religious perspective. While

researching, however, it soon became clear that outside of the largest cities, the

Catholic Church is not easily confined to a single urban area; policy was developed,

implemented, reacted upon, changed, and is thus best understood within the confines

of a diocese. Moreover, in Upper Austria, policy within that diocese was most often

formulated in reaction to events taking place outside the capital; the more I examined

the workings of the Catholic Church in Linz, the more I also felt the need to look at

other cities in the region. To nevertheless maintain the focus on ‘the city,’ it seemed

necessary to restructure my study as one of ‘urban spaces’ within a diocese; after all, if

I was interested in the evolving relationship between Catholicism, liberalism, and the

“social question,” I needed to study those places and events within the diocese that

shaped how the bishop, the diocese administration, the priests, and the laity formed

their opinions, and on which they focused their attention. Thus although Linz still

receives a disproportional amount of attention in my study, there are important

excursions to Ried and Steyr, two of the other larger towns in Upper Austria, as well

as to smaller towns such as Schwanenstadt and Gmunden.

Such an approach is also the result of the structures and holdings of the Upper

Austrian archives. The Municipal Archive in Linz (Archiv der Stadt Linz - AdSL),

though it contains rich holdings on the nineteenth century, lacks much of the material

that might allow an examination of religious practice through municipal eyes. The
 12

Diocese Archive’s (Diözesanarchiv Linz - DAL) holdings are much richer, but, as

already mentioned, show an administration that did not readily differentiate in its

treatment of Linz and of other towns; moreover, policy tended to develop based on

multiple incidents spread throughout the diocese. As a result, while focusing on the

diocese archives, I began to rely heavily on the Upper Austrian State Archive

(Oberösterreichisches Landesarchiv - OöLA), which had the richest and most intricate

set of holdings. These largely mirrored the diocese administration, but told the ‘other

side’ of the story.

Regionalism and Catholicism

Regional histories, as Celia Applegate has written,

[do] not so much undermine the national histories as complicate

them and, especially in the case of border regions, emphasize the
ambiguities and instabilities of the nationalizing project. Looked
at over time, regional identities have proven persistent, yes, but
only by dint of constant adaptation to changes in national
boundaries and systems of meaning.17

Within the multi-national Habsburg Monarchy, regional history in the manner

envisioned by Applegate has been mostly ignored. Indeed, without a “nationalizing

project,” which the Monarchy, as a complicated conglomerate of lands and peoples,

never dared to undertake, the tensions between region and nation that have made

17
Celia Applegate, "A Europe of Regions: Reflections on the Historiography of Sub-National
Places in Modern Times," American Historical Review 104 (October, 1999): p. 1179.
 13

regional studies so exciting in German history18 seemed to become lost in translation.

Rather, historical studies of regions within the Monarchy have traditionally tended to

focus on the nationalizing processes – e.g., of Czech and German speakers in

Bohemia, or of Croatia in the Hungarian half of the Empire – making their study as

defined geographical units existing outside the constraints of language, ethnicity,

nationalism and statehood a moot point.

In spite of, or, rather, precisely because of this phenomenon, historians of the

Habsburg Monarchy have recently begun to turn toward regional history for the way it

can reframe larger historiographical issues. Indeed, in the past decade many themes

central to the historiography of the Monarchy have seen novel approaches through a

renewed emphasis on ‘region.’ Jeremy King’s recent study of urban politics in

southern Bohemia gave new life to perhaps the Monarchy’s most persistent theme,

nationalism and national identity. By studying a regional city with a relatively

homogeneous social structure and open polity, King demonstrated that the formation

of national identity could be a much slower and more fluid process than historians had

traditionally assumed.19 In a similarly important study, Daniel Unowsky has reshaped

how historians view the role of the dynasty by studying the imperial tours in a local

setting – those to Galicia in 1851, 1868 and 1880, as well as the imperial celebrations

18
See, for example, Celia Applegate, A Nation of Provincials: The German Idea of Heimat,
(Berkeley, 1990); Alon Confino, The Nation as a Local Metaphor: Heimat, National Memory and the
German Empire, 1871-1918, (Chapel Hill, N.C., 1997).
19
Jeremy King, Budweisers into Czechs and Germans: a Local History of Bohemian politics,
1848-1948, (Princeton, N.J., 2002).
 14

of 1898 and 1908.20 While the 1851 tour presented the emperor at the head of a

centralized state – all provinces should be treated equally, local elites were ignored

and/or put in their place – later tours became complicated exercises in balancing

different power structures, as local elites, democratic and national forces, and the

government in Vienna each vied for influence in determining how the ceremonies

would be staged.21 Unowsky’s work thus highlights how imperial ceremonies

mirrored the shifting balance of powers between the center(s) and peripheries within

the Monarchy. Finally, Allison Frank’s engaging recent study of the emerging oil

industry in Habsburg Galicia has provided an important impetus for understanding the

role of the regional economy in the social, economic and national relations among its

inhabitants.22

Urban historians have also begun moving beyond that Habsburg triptych of

Vienna, Budapest and Prague. Especially welcome here is the recent edited volume by

Peter Urbanitsch and Hannes Steckl on small-town bourgeoisie (Kleinstadtbürgertum),

which brought a wide range of methodological approaches to a consciously disparate

20
Daniel Unowsky, "The Pomp and Politics of Patriotism: Imperial Celebrations in Habsburg
Austria, 1848-1916" (Ph.D. Dissertation, Columbia University, 2000). These ideas have been developed
further in several articles, Daniel Unowsky, "'Our Gratutide has no Limit': Polish Nationalism, Dynastic
Patriotism and the 1880 Imperial Inspection Tour of Galicia," Austrian History Yearbook 34 (2003);
Daniel Unowsky, "Reasserting Empire: Habsburg Imperial Celebrations after the Revolutions of 1848,"
in Staging the Past: The Politics of Commemoration in Habsburg Central Europe, 1848 to the Present,
ed. Maria Bucur and Nancy M. Wingfield, (West Lafayette, IN, 2001).. A book-length treatment is
forthcoming.
21
On the “production of tradition” within the late imperial Monarchy, see, especially, Maria Bucur
and Nancy M. Wingfield, Staging the Past: The Politics of Commemoration in Habsburg Central
Europe, 1848 to the Present, (West Lafayette, IN, 2001); Nancy M. Wingfield, "Conflicting
Constructions of Memory: Attacks on Statues of Joseph II in the Bohemian Lands after the Great War,"
Austrian History Yearbook 28 (1997).
22
Alison Fleig Frank, "Austrian El Dorado: A History of the Oil Industry in Galicia, 1853-1923"
(Ph.D. Dissertation, Harvard University, 2001).
 15

selection of medium-sized towns throughout the Monarchy.23 Deriving much of their

methodology from recent Bürgertums- and Liberalismusforschung of imperial

Germany,24 the editors focused on two elements of provincial urbanity: First, the

complex matrix of Bürgertum identities and interests that only a disparate set of local

studies can present. By examining how this ever-flexible social class developed within

myriad changing social, economic, nation and religious conditions, we have gained a

welcomingly diverse account of the middle-class experience within the Monarchy.25

And, secondly, the authors explore the development of the local middle class in the

context of the ‘delayed urbanization’ (“nachholende Urbanisierung”): improvements

in the infrastructure; the buildup of a cultural program; and the ever-varying mix of

endogenous and exogenous impulses that led to modernization.26

In short, the recent historiography on the late-imperial monarchy has brought

with it a plethora of fresh approaches based on studies of ‘peripheral’ regions and

places. Yet while these studies have provided fresh perspectives on a number of

23
See, for example, the essays in, Peter Urbanitsch and Hannes Steckel, Kleinstadtbürgertum in
der Habsburgermonarchie: 1862 - 1914, (Vienna, 2000). The past five years have also seen a surge of
interest in regional urban studies in the English speaking literature. See, Robert J. Donia, "Fin-de-Siècle
Sarajevo: The Habsurg Transformation of an Ottoman Town," Austrian History Yearbook 33 (2002);
Yaroslav Hrytsak, "Crossroads of East and West: Lemberg, Lwów, L'viv on the Threshold of
Modernity," Austrian History Yearbook 34 (2003); King, Budweisers into Czechs and Germans;
Nathaniel D. Wood, "Becoming a 'Great City': Metropolitan Imaginations and Apprehensions in
Cracow's Popular Press, 1900-1914," Austrian History Yearbook 33 (2002).
24
See, especially, Peter Urbanitsch et al., "Einleitung," in Kleinstadtbürgertum in der
Habsburgermonarchie: 1862 - 1914, ed. Peter Urbanitsch and Hannes Steckel, (Vienna, 2000).
25
And, as the editors point out, these were just ten of the 476 “provincial towns” – defined as
having between 5,000 and 50,000 inhabitants – that existed within the Monarchy.Peter Urbanitsch et al.,
"Zusammenfassung: Kleinstadt und Bürgertum in Cisleithanien 1862-1914," in Kleinstadtbürgertum in
der Habsburgermonarchie: 1862 - 1914, ed. Peter Urbanitsch and Hannes Steckel, (Vienna, 2000), p.
465.
26
Urbanitsch et al., "Einleitung," p. 18; Urbanitsch et al., "Zusammenfassung," pp. 482-493.
 16

important themes and institutions in the late imperial Monarchy, what is still lacking is

a similar treatment of religion, especially of the Catholic Church. This lacuna becomes

clear when examining several recent works on the Tyrol that use religion to great

effect in connecting regional identities with larger issues. Thomas Götz’s examination

of Bürger-activism on a communal level in German and Italian Tyrol brings out the

complex ways in which the liberal movement was able to efficiently carve a niche out

for itself early on, even in the ‘darkest days’ of 1850s neoabsolutism. Over the ensuing

decades, liberals, through chambers of commerce, festivals, associations, book clubs,

and the emerging press, found room to exist apart from the absolutist state. Götz’s

study thus re-contextualizes the idea of the “long shadow of the state” posed by Ernst

Hanisch, presenting, instead, the state as a foil, catalyst and arbiter of liberal energies

all at once.27 The second is Laurence Cole’s study of the shifting contours of national

identity in the region between 1860 and 1914.28 At the center of Cole’s study are two

festivals (Landfeste): the first, in 1863, celebrated the region’s 500 year association

with the Habsburg Monarchy and was dominated by liberals and had deep anti-clerical

overtones; the second, held in 1909, was dominated by conservatives, who held up the

image of Andreas Hofer, the ‘freedom fighter’ who helped lead the uprising against

27
Thomas Götz, Bürgertum und Liberalismus in Tirol 1840-1873. Zwischen Stadt und Region,
Staat und Nation, (Cologne, 2001), pp. 23, 522-525; Ernst Hanisch, Der lange Schatten des Staates.
Österreichische Gesellschaftsgeschichte im 20. Jahrhundert, (Vienna, 1994). Hanisch’s thesis has not
been without its detractors, who argue, rightly, that it reproduces a peculiar and rather static Austrian
form of the Sonderweg argument. See, for example, Hans Heiss, "Der lange Schatten des Staates.
Österreichische Gesellschaftsgeschichte im 20. Jahrhundert.," Archiv für Sozialgeschichte 35 (1995);
Eduard G. Staudinger, "Ernst Hanischs 'Der lange Schatten des Staates': Eine sehr persönliche
Gesellschaftsgeschichte in unserem Jahrhundert," Zeitschrift des Historischen Vereines für Steiermark
87 (1996).
28
Laurence Cole, "Fur Gott, Kaiser und Vaterland": Nationale Identität der deutschsprachigen
Bevölkerung Tirols 1860-1914, (Frankfurt and New York, 2000).
 17

Bavarian dominion in 1809, as a powerful rallying point for Catholic-conservatives.

Cole argues that nationalism could serve any number of purposes, from proud

regionalism to dynastic loyalty, and from secular liberalism to conservative-Catholic

impulses. Both Catholics-conservatives and liberals seemed to accept the larger

construct – the Monarchy – as a given and had no problem combining this with their

regional Tyrolese identity. Rather, liberals tended to emphasize the importance of the

state (Tyrol as a province within the Monarchy), while Catholic-conservatives focused

on the monarch and the dynasty (Tyrol as the last bastion of true Catholic-Habsburg

patriotism). Finally, Hans Heiss and Ulrike Königsreiner’s study of liberal-

conservative conflict in Tyrolese Brixen, one of the contributions to the edited volume

on Kleinstadtbürgertum mentioned above, argues that a long-term Catholic political

hold on the city was made possible by a distinct vision of “Catholic urbanity”

(“katholische Urbanität”).29 Within Brixen, conservative Catholics in the municipal

administration focused on developing modern municipal services (water, sanitation,

electricity, etc.) and set these developments within a specific ideological and social

context — in the case of Brixen, a touristy spa-town within a strong conservative-

Christian milieu. While the ideological content of the Catholic conservatism in Brixen

was different from that found among Christian Socials in Vienna, the method of

29
Hans Heiss and Ulrike Königsrainer, "Brixen - Von der bischöflichen Residenz zur Kurstadt," in
Kleinstadtbürgertum in der Habsburgermonarchie, 1862-1914, ed. Hannes Stekel and Peter Urbanitsch,
(Vienna, 2000), p. 221.
 18

popularizing this ‘social vision’ – combining it with basic municipal services – was

similar.30

All three works isolate aspects of larger (religious) themes in a regional setting,

emphasizing the variety of approaches that can be used in a regional setting: Götz’s

study of liberalism on a communal level demonstrates the importance of using

comparative microhistorical analysis to test (and problematize) larger hypotheses

about social groups and actors. Cole’s work turns from the commune to the region as a

whole, exploring the shifting contours of regional nationalism as it balanced between

liberal and Catholic-conservative forces. Finally, the work of Heiss and Königsreiner

reminds us to also focus on the setting itself: if there can be “katholische Urbanität” –

a vision of the modern city as a Catholic city – then we must ask: Why there? And

how did it function? How was it related to larger narratives of Catholicism in the

region and in the Monarchy as a whole? Yet none of the studies mentioned above

focus specifically on the Catholic Church, the institution most responsible for

articulating and implementing a specifically Catholic social vision in its most basic

form. While studies of liberalism and the middle class have, in recent years, placed the

Bürgertum on center stage, studies that use religion rarely focus on the Catholic

Church and, more importantly, its priesthood. A glance at the existing literature on the

Catholic-conservative movement at a regional level only goes to reinforce this point.31

30
On Vienna, see, John W. Boyer, Culture and Political Crisis in Vienna: Christian Socialism in
Power, 1897-1918, (Chicago, 1995); John W. Boyer, Political Radicalism in Late Imperial Vienna:
Origins of the Christian Social Movement, 1848-1897, (Chicago, 1981).
31
See, for example, Karl Amon and Maximilian Liebmann, Kirchengeschichte der Steiermark,
(Graz, 1993); Leo Haffner, "Die Aufklärung und die Konservativen. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der
katholisch-konservativen Partei in Vorarlberg," in Nachträge zur neueren Vorarlberger
 19

Religious History in the Habsburg Monarchy

This trend, however, is not for a lack of focus on the Catholic Church in general.

In contrast to imperial Germany, where the study of religion and Catholicism has

enjoyed a renaissance over the course of the past two decades, religious history in the

Habsburg Monarchy was always a well-established sub-discipline.32 Indeed, because

Landesgeschichte, ed. Meinrad Pichler, (Bregenz, 1983); Edith Marko-Stöckl, "Die Entwicklung des
katholisch-konservativen Lagers in der Steiermark 1861-1874," Zeitschrift des Historischen Vereines
für Steiermark 87 (1996); Richard Schober, "Das Verhältnis der Katholisch-Konservativen zu den
Christlich-Sozialen in Tirol bis zu den Reichsratwahlen 1907. 1. Teil: bis 1905," Tiroler Heimat 38
(1975); Richard Schober, "Das Verhältnis der Katholisch-Konservativen zu den Christlich-Sozialen in
Tirol bis zu den Reichsratwahlen 1907. II. Teil (Schluß)," Tiroler Heimat 39 (1975). An exception that
merely proves the rule is the 1972 Princeton dissertation of Gavin Lewis, whose fascinating study on
the relationship between the Catholic Church and the emerging Catholic political movement stands
awkwardly alone in the historiographical landscape. Gavin Lewis, "The Catholic Church and the
Christian Social Party in Lower Austria, 1885-1907" (Ph.D. Dissertation, Princeton Uninversity, 1972).
Also see the German translation, Gavin Lewis, Kirche und Partei im politischen Katholizismus: Klerus
und Christlichsoziale in Niederosterreich, 1885-1907, (Vienna, 1977). John Boyer’s early work was
very similar to Lewis, but Boyer ultimately veered off in a different direction, becoming more focused
on the minutia of the Christian Social movement in Viennese municipal and party politics. For the early
work on priests, see, John W. Boyer, "Catholic Priests in Lower Austria: Anti-Liberalism, Occupational
Anxiety, and Radical Political Action in Late Nineteenth-Century Vienna," Proceedings of the
American Philosophical Society 118 (1974). Parts of this article were later integrated into the opening
chapters of, Boyer, Political Radicalism.
32
For an introduction to the recent wave of studies on Catholicism in imperial Germany, see,
Margaret Lavinia Anderson, "Piety and Politics: Recent Works on German Catholicism," Journal of
Modern History 63 (1991); Münster Arbeitskreis für kirchliche Zeitgeschichte, "Katholiken zwischen
Tradition und Moderne. Das katholische Milieu als Forschungsaufgabe," Westfälische Forschungen 43
(1993); Oded Heilbronner, "From Ghetto to Ghetto: The Place of German Catholic Society in Recent
Historiography," Journal of Modern History 72 (2000). Especially the Heilbronner. See, as well, David
Blackbourn, Marpingen: Apparitions of the Virgin Mary in a Nineteenth-Century German Village,
(New York, 1995); Olaf Blaschke, "Das 19. Jahrhundert: Ein zweites konfessionelles Zeitalter,"
Geschichte und Gesellschaft 26 (2000); Olaf Blaschke, Katholizismus und Antisemitismus im deutschen
Kaiserreich, (Göttingen, 1997); Olaf Blaschke, ed., Konfessionen in Konflikt. Deutschland zwischen
1800 und 1970: ein zweites konfessionelles Zeitalter, (Göttingen, 2002); Olaf Blaschke and Franz-
Michael Kuhlemann, eds., Religion im Kaiserreich. Milieus - Mentalitäten - Krisen, (Gütersloh, 1996);
Ellen Lovell Evans, The German Center Party, 1870-1933: a Study in Political Catholicism,
(Carbondale, IL, 1981); Antonius Liedhegener, Christentum und Urbanisierung. Katholiken und
Protestanten in Münster und Bochum 1830-1933, (Paderborn, 1997); Wilfried Loth, Katholiken im
Kaiserreich: der politische Katholizismus in der Krise des wilhelminischen Deutschlands, (Düsseldorf,
1984); Thomas Mergel, Zwischen Klasse und Konfession: katholisches Bürgertum im Rheinland 1794-
1914, (Göttingen, 1994); Thomas Nipperdey, Religion im Umbruch: Deutschland, 1870-1918, (Munich,
1988); Helmut Walser Smith, German Nationalism and Religious Conflict: Culture, Ideology, Politics,
1870-1914, (Princeton, 1995); Jonathan Sperber, Popular Catholicism in Nineteenth-Century Germany,
(Princeton, 1984); Raymond C. Sun, Before the Enemy is within Our Walls: Catholic Workers in
 20

the Catholic Church and, later, the Christian Social party, remained such a potent force

politically, socially, culturally, and economically – the Church was long the largest

landowner in the Monarchy – these institutions have been impossible for historians to

ignore. Until the 1970s, however, the great majority of the work being done on

Catholicism concerned itself purely with political or diplomatic history (either of

Church politics within the Monarchy, or of inner-Church politics) and was, more often

than not, polemical in nature, attacking or defending the Catholic Church or the legacy

of Josephinism in the Austrian state.33 The work of two historians, Erika Weinzierl

and Friedrich Engel-Janosi, was instrumental in creating a middle road, producing a

steady stream of monographs and articles by “critical Catholics,” as Weinzierl once

described herself, based on thorough archival work.34 Yet this work, solid, thorough

Cologne 1885-1912, (Boston, 1999); Eric Yonke, "The Problem of the Middle Class in German
Catholic History: The Nineteenth-Century Rhineland Revisited," Catholic Historical Review 88 (2002);
Jeffrey T. Zalar, "'Knowledge is Power': The Borromäusverein and Catholic Reading Habits in Imperial
Germany," Catholic Historical Review 86 (2000).
33
Much of this work nevertheless remains quite useful. See, for example, Alfred Celerin, "Die
österreichischen Katholikentage des 19. Jahrhunderts" (Ph.D. Dissertation, Universität Wien, 1956);
Alfred Diamant, Austrian Catholics and the Social Question, 1918-1933, (Gainesville, 1959); Eduard
Hosp, Bischof Gregorius Thomas Ziegler. Ein Vorkämpfer gegen den Josephinismus, (Linz, 1956);
Eduard Hosp, Kirche Osterreichs im Vormarz, 1815-1850, (Vienna, 1971); Ferdinand Maass, Der
Frühjosephinismus, (Vienna and Munich, 1969); Ferdinand Maass, "Die österreichischen Jesuiten
zwischen Josephinismus unf Liberalismus," Zeitschrift für katholische Theologie 80 (1958); Rauch,
"Die christlichsoziale Vereinigung und die Katholisch-Konservativen Oberösterreichs 1907-1914"
(Phil. Diss., Universität Wien, 1964); Wilhelm Salzer, Der Christlichsoziale Beitrag zur Lösung der
Arbeiterfrage, (Vienna, 1962); Ernst Tomek, Kirchengeschichte Österreichs, vol. 3: Das Zeitalter der
Aufklärung und des Absolutismus, (Innsbruck and Vienna, 1959); Eduard Winter, Der Josefinismus
und seine Geschichte. Beitrage zur Geistesgeschichte Österreichs, 1740-1848, (Brno, 1943); Eduard
Winter, Revolution, Neoabsolutismus und Liberalismus in der Donaumonarchie, (Vienna, 1969); Josef
Wodka, Kirche in Österreich: Wegweiser durch ihre Geschichte, (Vienna, 1959).
34
Sonja Harter, "Erika Weinzierl," Der Kourier, 1 August 2004. See, especially, Friedrich Engel-
Jánosi, "Liberaler Katholizismus und die Minorität im Vatikanischen Konzil," Mitteilungen des
Österreichischen Staatsarchivs 8 (1955); Friedrich Engel-Jánosi, Österreich und der Vatikan, 1846-
1918, (Graz, 1958); Friedrich Engel-Jánosi et al., eds., Die politische Korrespondenz der Päpste mit den
österreichischen Kaizern, 1801-1918, (Vienna., 1964); Erika Weinzierl, Die Päpstliche Autorität im
katholischen Selbstverständnis des 19. und 20. Jahrhunderts, (Salzburg and Munich, 1970); Erika
 21

and fascinating as it was, largely failed to explore religion’s social and cultural

“underbelly” in the Monarchy. What role did it play and by what means did it help

keep the Monarchy together – or, conversely, did it contribute to its dissolution? How

did Catholicism adapt to the new social and political structures that emerged after

1848 and especially after 1867? How did it interact with the social forces it

encountered?

This gap is all the more perceptible if one considers the number of studies that

exist for the ‘other’ side of the debate: liberalism. Karl Vocelka’s important study of

the liberal struggle against the 1855 Concordat, which culminated in the Constitution

of 1867 and the May Laws of 1868 and 1874, for example, inquires what function the

anti-Concordat campaign played within the grander framework of the liberal

movement and its ideology. He comes up with three answers: first, the campaign

served as a litmus test to discover to what extent the imperial house would back the

new constitution and anti-clerical reforms; second, it served to distract attention from

the non-existence of a coherent liberal economic policy;35 and, finally and most

Weinzierl, "On the Pathogenisis of the Anti-Semitism of Sebastian Brunner 1814-1893," in Ecclesia
Semper Reformanda. Beiträge zur österreichischen Kirchengeschichte im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, ed.
Erika Weinzierl, (Vienna and Salyburg, 1985); Erika Weinzierl, "Österreichs Klerus und die
Arbeiterschaft. Ihr Verhältnis nach den Quellen," in Ecclesia Semper Reformanda. Beiträge zur
österreichischen Kirchengeschichte im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, ed. Erika Weinzierl, (Vienna and
Salzburg, 1985); Erika Weinzierl, ed., Kirche und Gesellschaft: Theologische und
gesellschaftswissenschaftliche Aspekte, (Vienna, 1979); Erika Weinzierl and Gottfried Griesl, Von der
Pastoraltheologie zur praktischen Theologie 1774-1974, (Salzburg, 1975); Erika Weinzierl and Thomas
Aquinas Michels, Der Modernismus. Beiträge zu seiner Erforschung, (Graz, 1974); Erika Weinzierl-
Fischer, "Die Kirchenfrage auf dem Österreichischen Reichstag 1848/49," Mitteilungen des
Österreichischen Staatsarchivs 8 (1955); Erika Weinzierl-Fischer, Die österreichischen Konkordate von
1855 und 1933, (Vienna, 1960).
35
Here it is interesting to note that historians have criticized the neoabsolutist regime for exactly
the opposite reason, i.e. for letting the Conrcodat – and the anti-state energies it unleashed among
 22

importantly, the campaign functioned in lieu of a central liberal program or ideology.

Only in the directed assault against the Catholic Church and the Concordat could the

various factions – middle-class merchants and burghers at the local level, liberal

parliamentarians in the lower house, and Josephinist nobles in the upper house – find

some common ground.36 In a more recent monograph, Michael Gross, focusing on

anti-Catholicism in the decades before the Kulturkampf in imperial Germany, has

mirrored Vocelka’s emphasis on function, but has made a much more refined

argument:

The liberal response was to develop new anti-clerical and anti-

Catholic rhetorical metaphors and practices that by means of
differentiation and contrast proved powerful ways to define and
assert the bourgeois claim to social hegemony.37

What Gross adds to the discussion of function is that liberalism largely defined itself

through demarcation. By framing “Jesuits, priests, monks, and Catholics as stupid,

medieval, superstitious, feminine, and un-German,” liberals could in turn frame their

own movement in terms of “modern rationalism, bourgeois individualism, high

industrialization, free-market capitalism, the unified nation-state and gender-specific

public and private spheres.”38

middle-class liberals – overshadow the often-successful economic policy during the 1850s. Judson,
Exclusive Revolutionaries, pp. 70-74.
36
Karl Vocelka, Verfassung oder Konkordat? Der publizistische und politische Kampf der
österreichischen Liberalen um die Religionsgesetze des Jahres 1868, (Vienna, 1978).
37
Michael B. Gross, The War Against Catholicism: Liberalism and the anti-Catholic Imagination
in Nineteenth-Century Germany, (Ann Arbor, 2004), p. 22.
38
Gross, War Against Catholicism, p. 22.
 23

Such an approach, however, needs to also be applied in the other direction. Just

as liberals were grappling with issues of identity in the 1850s, Catholics were in a

similar process of self-(re-)definition. Confronted by the French Revolution, the

Napoleonic wars, the 1830 Revolution, the separation of church and state – first only

in the ideas of Félicité Robert de Lammenais and then in the reality of the 1831

Belgian constitution – the Cologne troubles over mixed marriages in 1837, and finally

the revolutions of 1848, Catholicism had also begun to formulate the beginnings of a

new ideology39 in the first half of the nineteenth century. This ideology –

Ultramontane Catholicism – centered around two poles. The first pole of course

consisted of the pope in Rome, a centralizing and charismatic figure to whom all

Catholics should identify and owe a type of allegiance. The second, equally if not

more important, pole consisted of its demarcation from liberalism. As Pius IX made

clear in his 1864 Encyclical Quanta Cura and its accompanying Syllabus of Errors,

the Church refused to “reconcile [itself], and come to terms with progress, liberalism

and modern civilization;” its stated goal was instead to “permit the Catholic Church to

39
The Concise Oxford Dictionary of Politics defines an ideology as a “comprehensive and
mutually consistent set of ideas by which a social group makes sense of the world,” which would
certainly apply to most religions. Charles Jones, Ideology, 2003 [Online Encyclopaedia]. Oxford
University Press, [cited 29 March 2005]. Available from <http://www.oxfordreference.com/views/
ENTRY.html?subview=Main&entry=t86.e627>. Meanwhile, Clifford Geertz sees ideology as, “maps
of problematic social reality and matrices for the creation of collective conscience,” which seems like a
particularly apt descitpion of the function Ultramontanism came to play within Catholicism. Clifford
Geertz, "Ideology as a Cultural System," in Ideology and Discontent, ed. David Ernest Apter, (New
York, 1964), p. 220. Though I would hesitate to label all religions in all times and places as
“ideologies,” I would argue that for Ultramontane Catholicism in the long nineteenth century it is
fitting. Also see, John Gerring, "Ideology: A Definitional Reality," Political Research Quarterly 50
(1997).
 24

practice her laws, and allow no one to oppose her liberty.”40 This refusal to participate

in the liberal state was perhaps the driving force behind the rise of Ultramontanism.

Seemingly excluded from the liberal state, “the papacy used the opportunity…to

develop a clear ideological autonomy from temporal forces,” as the sociologist Gene

Burns has argued.41 And yet while we take the end result of this development for

granted – the first Vatican Council and its accompanying doctrine of infallibility – we

know very little about how this transformation took place.

One approach is the structural work of the historical sociologist Michael Ebertz,

who focuses on bureaucratic and ideological transformation within the Catholic

Church during the nineteenth century. As Ebertz argues, subtle shifts – a renewed

emphasis on the office of the nuncio, the redistricting of parish structures, the growing

power of a bishop in his diocese and of the pope within the Church as a whole –

produced a slow but steady bureaucratic modernization and ideological centralization.

At a local level (through the restructuring and the office of the bishops), a quasi-

national level (through the offices of the nuncios and the Bischofskonferenzen), and

internationally (through the increasingly charismatic figure of the pope and his

growing power within the Church as a whole), the Church was engaged in a mammoth

process of reorganization, which increased toward the end of the nineteenth century.

Ebertz stresses that these shifts came in three phases: during and in the decades after

40
Pope Pius IX, The Syllabus of Errors Condemned by Pope Pius IX, 1864 [Web Page]. Papal
Encyclicals Online, [cited 23 March 2004]. Available from <http://www.papalencyclicals.net/Pius09/
p9syll.htm>.
41
Gene Burns, "The Politics of Ideology: The Papal Struggle with Liberalism," American Journal
of Sociology 95 (Mar., 1990): p. 1127.
 25

the Napoleonic wars, after 1848, and after 1870. Each phase emphasized different

aspects of the ecclesiastical power structure and culminated in the dogma of

infallibility passed at the first Vatican council in 1870.42 Though many of the specifics

mentioned by Ebertz do not hold true when applied to the Habsburg Monarchy – here,

as already mentioned above, the confrontation with its Josephinist past remained the

central axis of the Church’s structural reformation, at least in its initial phase – his

focus on the restructuring of dioceses and the redistribution of power within the

Church as a whole nevertheless provide an important approach in studying the

structural transformation of the Church in the nineteenth century.43

Yet little work has appeared on this subject for the Habsburg Monarchy. The

few contributions that do exist, such as the Forschungsgespräch on papal authority

organized by Erika Weinzierl in 1970,44 rarely venture outside the realm of internal

Church politics and have nothing to say about how such developments played out on

the ground – in a regional setting, in the various diocese and parishes. John Boyer’s

early work, which deals with the generational tensions that emerged in the 1880s

between an anti-Semitic and increasingly radical lower clergy and the Ultramontane

Church hierarchy, represents an important building block, as does Gavin Lewis’ work

42
See, above all, Michael N. Ebertz, "Die Bürokratisierung der katholischen 'Priesterkirche'," in
Priesterkirche, ed. Paul Hoffmann, (Düsseldorf, 1987); Michael N. Ebertz, ""Ein Haus voll Glorie,
schauet..." Modernisierungsprozesse der römisch-katholischen Kirche im 19. Jahrhundert," in Religion
und Gesellschaft im 19. Jahrhundert, ed. Wolfgang Schieder, (Stuttgart, 1993).
43
On Catholicism as an ideology, also see, Burns, "Politics of Ideology."
44
As above, see, Weinzierl, Päpstliche Autorität.
 26

on Catholic politics in Lower Austria.45 Both these studies, however, cover the period

after the 1880s, when the conflict with liberalism had for the most part abated. The

path breaking work of William Bowman on priests in lower Austria is, in this regard, a

step in the right direction. His Priest and Parish in Vienna, 1780-1880 focuses on the

social history of the priesthood in lower Austria from the rise to the fall of

Josephinism, and his examination of the background, education, placement and

pastoral practice of the priesthood breaks new ground in the topic in every way.46 Yet

Bowman makes little attempt to tie his research into larger political, cultural or

religious narratives: the crisis of the priesthood in the late 1840s, the pressures of

1848/49 for priests, the downfall of Josephinism with the 1855 Concordat, and the

generational split between Josephinist and the Ultramontane clergy that began to

develop in the 1830s and 40s are all missing in his account. Thus while we do get a

detailed image of the Josephinian priest, it is an image seemingly set in stone. In short,

what is missing is a study that takes the theological, political and social changes taking

place within Catholicism and the Catholic Church and reconnects them with the larger

historical narrative of the late-imperial period, especially outside Lower Austria and

the capital city.

* * *

This study will use the recent impulses in regional history to address the

lacunae in the religious history of the Monarchy. It integrates different case studies at

45
See, especially, Boyer, "Priests in Lower Austria." Some of the material is covered in the first
chapters of Boyer, Political Radicalism. On Gavin Lewis, see above, note 31.
46
William D. Bowman, Priest and Parish in Vienna, 1780 to 1880, (Boston, 1999).
 27

a local level into a larger narrative of Catholicism within the Habsburg Monarchy,

examining how the Catholic Church confronted and adapted to the challenges of

liberalism and socialism in Upper Austria during the second half of the nineteenth

century. It is divided into three sections: After a background chapter on the history of

Upper Austria, the first section will explore the structural and ideological

transformation of the Catholic Church in Upper Austria during the middle decades of

the nineteenth century. With a focus on the clergy, this section examines the changing

networks and structures of priestly life, first in the seminary and later in the diocese as

a whole. It investigates how the diocese changed under the watch of Bishop Franz

Josef Rudigier and the influence of Ultramontanism, and how the networks of

communication within the clergy, and between the clergy and the laity, where then

changed by these developments.

The second section then consists of three chapters that examine the

confrontation between liberalism and the Catholic Church from the 1850s to the

1870s. A first chapter — Chapter Four — focuses on the dynamics of Catholic-liberal

conflict in the 1850s. It uses the building of a general hospital in Linz and the burial of

a prominent Protestant in a small Catholic town to demonstrate how, already in the

1850s, the Catholic Church faced stiff resistance from a liberal vision of social order at

a local level. In these conflicts, however, the Church is never a passive victim but

instead uses them to begin an intricate process of re-definition: both struggles bring to

light the contours of Rudigier’s own Ultramontane ‘social vision’ while also bringing

to the surface some of the fissures, especially generational, that began to take place

within the priesthood. The next two chapters then turn to the height of the Austrian
 28

Kulturkampf between 1867 and 1875 and explore how each of the two competing

visions of social order – Catholic and liberal – used the other to define itself. Chapter

Five centers on the experiences of the Catholic clergy in the liberal court system after

1867. It begins with an analysis of two ‘sensationalist’ trials — one of Bishop

Rudigier in 1868 and another of the Carmelite monk Gabriel Gady, who became

involved in a confessional scandal in 1871/72. The chapter then explores how these

trials influenced the lower clergy: how priests conceived of their own role in the

struggle between clericalism and liberalism, how they become politically active, and

how they absorbed the role models and stereotypes that surrounded them. Chapter Six

examines the systematic exclusion of liberal Catholics after the first Vatican Council

in 1870. Here the spotlight is on the Old Catholic movement, a protest movement that

developed among liberal lay Catholics around the time of the first Vatican Council to

protest infallibility. The ensuing conflict demonstrates the mechanisms used by the

Church to control its ideology, and for the way the conflict helped transform the

relationship between Catholic Church and state in Austria. With the promulgation of

infallibility and the systematic exclusion of liberal Catholics, we see the Church shift

gears and begin its process of Ultramontanism ‘from above’ – the process of

ideological consolidation within the ranks.

This process of consolidation and its consequences are the subject of this

study’s final section. Here, the study moves from liberalism to socialism –the second

‘great foe’ the Church faced during the nineteenth century – and examines the fissures

that began to appear in Ultramontanism as the Church devoted itself to this very

different type of conflict. A first chapter, Chapter Six, follows the development of
 29

Catholic thinking on the ‘social question’ in Upper Austria from the 1850s onward,

charting the shift within the Church as its traditional role in administering poor relief

began to break down. This process then forced the Church to come to terms with that

larger theoretical construct, the ‘social question.’ The most significant development

was the papal encyclical Rerum Novarum from 1891, and the second and final chapter,

Chapter Seven, turns to the period after its promulgation. Rather than assessing the

successes and failures of working class activism within the Church, however, the

chapter examines the conflicts that began to develop as the process of consolidation

inherent in ‘Ultramontanism from above’ ran up against Catholic working-class

activism. It begins with the initial successes that many priests had in forming new

working-class associations after 1891. A complex process of negotiation between the

activist lower clergy and the diocese administration – notably the bishop – in which

the counters of permissible action become the subject of debate, however, followed

these successes. The chapter continues with perhaps the most direct and obvious

confrontation to the bishop’s authority, the Christian Social movement, which, unlike

in neighboring Lower Austria and the Tyrol, failed to find a foothold in Upper Austria,

largely because Rudigier’s successor, Doppelbauer, combated traces of Christian

Social doctrine wherever he could and actively worked to keep ‘his’ lower clergy in

line with Ultramontane conceptions of hierarchy and authority. The conflict between

authority and activism then dramatically comes together in a final section that explores

the irreconcilable contradictions within Catholicism at the turn of the century through

an analysis of a 1909 strike of Catholic workers at the construction site of the Maria-

Empfängis-Dom.
 30

Section One: Linz, Upper Austria and the Catholic Church

Linz and Upper Austria remained under Habsburg rule almost without

interruption from the thirteenth century until the Monarchy’s demise in November

1918. Though certainly not one of the Monarchy’s most central regions, both the

province and its capital did, on occasion, play an important role within the Habsburg

lands. Frederick III, who introduced the cryptic acronym AEIOU into Austrian lore,

chose Linz for his summer residence in the fifteenth century and moved the imperial

court there after losing Vienna to the Hungarians in 1485. In 1521, Ferdinand I

married Anne of Hungary in Linz, a fateful wedding that would cement Austrian

claims to the Hungarian crown five years later.47 During the Reformation, a majority

of the region’s residents went the way of Protestantism and the region became a focal

point of Habsburg efforts at re-Catholicization in the late sixteenth and seventeenth

century. Indeed, this ‘rebellion’ seemingly extended to all layers of society: it was

Ferdinand II’s policy of re-Catholization that cemented the Upper Austrian nobility’s

desire to refuse him the crown in 1619, and, in 1627, the same policy, in addition to a

series of economic gripes, that led the peasantry to launch its own major revolt.48 He

47
Andrew Wheatcroft, The Habsburgs: Embodying Empire, (London and New York, 1995), pp.
73-80, 121.
48
A good account can be found in, Joseph F. Patrouch, A Negotiated Settlement: The Counter
Reformation in Upper Austria under the Habsburgs, (Boston, 2000).
 31

called the region a “Nest der Untreue und der Rebellion,” and redoubled his efforts.

He was successful.49

Since the seventeenth century, Upper Austria has been a predominantly Catholic

province, though with significant pockets of Protestants. In the time period covered in

this dissertation, between 1851 and 1914, the percentage of non-Catholics continually

hovered between two and three percent.50 Of those, the vast majority were isolated

Protestants living either in towns in the north and west of the province, or workers and

miners in the various salt mining communities in the southern Salzkammergut, where

economic grievances could quickly dissolve into religious unrest until well into the

1850s. The Jewish population in the district was minuscule, largely owing to the fact

that Jews were de jure not allowed to reside in Upper Austria until 1849; even

thereafter the number of Jews in the province remained negligible. A Jewish

community — the israelische Kultusgemeinde — formed in Linz only in 1870 and,

even by1890, the Jewish population in the province as a whole totaled just over 1,000,

about half of whom lived in Linz.51

By the late seventeenth century, the region had once more become a bastion of

the Catholic faith, as well as more prosperous economically. Linz as a regional capital

was on the ascendant and by the 1670s had regained its monopoly over trade and

production in Upper Austria. In 1700 the city could boast an active workforce of

49
Siegfried Haider, Geschichte Oberösterreichs, (Munich, 1987), p. 183.
50
Figures based on the numbers in, Personalstand der Geistlichkeit der Diözese Linz, (Linz, 1851-
1865); Schematismus der Geistlichkeit der Diözese Linz, (Linz, 1866-1924).
51
Gerhart Marckhgott, "Fremde Mitbürger: Die Anfänge der israelitischen Kultusgemeinde Linz-
Urfahr, 1849-1877," Historisches Jahrbuch der Stadt Linz (1984).
 32

around 4,000 laborers.52 Indeed, as Charles Ingrao has noted, by the eighteenth

century Linz had become “one of the Monarchy’s major commercial and

manufacturing centers, specializing in the production and export of textiles, as well as

the transshipment of wine and minerals from Hungary,” and thus a “serious competitor

to Vienna by virtue of its superior commercial position.”53

The war of Austrian Succession that began in the wake of Maria Theresa’s

ascent to the Austrian throne in 1740 unleashed a new set of destructive forces on the

region. The Bavarian Monarch Charles Albert celebrated his first and most giddy

success there in September of 1741, when he marched into Linz with the Franco-

Bavarian army to proclaim himself “friend, lord and sovereign” as well as Duke of

Austria. The local population, not quite as averse to his courtship as Maria Theresa

had hoped, failed to rebel. Charles Albert finally lost the city a few months later, in

January 1742, on the very day he was crowned Holy Roman Emperor in Frankfurt.54

In the following decades and especially under the reign of Emperor Joseph II,

Upper Austria became a focal point for administrative reforms: the addition of

Bavarian territory in 1779 (the Innviertel)55 prompted a reorganization of the region’s

communes (Gemeinden), which culminated in a new Obderennsischen

52
Charles W. Ingrao, The Habsburg Monarchy, 1618-1815, (Cambridge and New York, 1994), p.
90.
53
Ingrao, Habsburg Monarchy, pp. 7, 16.
54
In some accounts it is the day before. See, Reed Browning, The War of the Austrian Succession,
(New York, 1993), pp. 69-70, 75, 91; Haider, Geschichte Oberösterreichs, pp. 211-212; Ingrao,
Habsburg Monarchy, p. 156.
55
The “Innviertel” represents abour one quarter of modern-day Upper Austria. It was claimed by
Austria in the War of Bavarian Succession.
 33

Landesregierung in 1783, finally making the province an independent administrative

unit within the empire.

 34

Chapter One. Upper Austria

Urbanization and Industrialization

Until the beginning of the nineteenth century, economic activity and migration

to and within Upper Austria were both rather small scale affairs. Several large public

works projects in the 1830s changed all that. The first was the building of the so-called

Maximillian Towers, a series of thirty-two fortifications planned in the wake of the

Napoleonic war; and the second was the Linz-Budweis (České Budějovice) railroad.56

The projects were very similar: both helped jump-start immigration to Linz and both

were obsolete even before they had been finished. The railroad relied on horse-drawn

carriages rather than steam engines and the tracks were laid too narrow to enable a

later change to steam. To make matters worse, the existence of the railroad assured

that state money would be sunk into transportation projects elsewhere in the Monarchy

for years to come — the Westbahn, connecting Vienna and Regensburg via Linz, was

only finished in 1859. Similarly, the Maximillian fortifications, though well-intended,

proved militarily obsolete only a few years after their completion and were abandoned

as fortifications in 1858. Both projects, however, brought a large number of artisans to

Linz — carpenters, stonemasons, etc. — including a fair number of Czech-speakers

56
Erich Hillbrand, "Die Türme von Linz. Erzherzog Maximillians Festungssystem für die
Monarchie," Historisches Jahrbuch der Stadt Linz (1984); Fritz Mayrhofer and Willibald Katzinger,
Geschichte der Stadt Linz, 2 vols., (Linz, 1990), vol. II, pp. 58-83; Franz Pfeffer, "Oberösterreichs erste
Eisenbahn," Oberösterreichische Heimatblätter 51 (1951); Franz Pfeffer and Günther Kleinhanns,
Budweis-Linz-Gmunden. Pferdeeisenbahn und Dampfbetrieb auf 1106mm Spurweite, (Linz, 1982).
 35

from Bohemia. Finally, a third development that helped spur migration in the pre-

March period, and one not already obsolete at its conception, was the arrival of

regular steamship service on the Danube in 1838, which brought a much greater influx

of goods and people to the city.

In the first half of the nineteenth century, Linz and Upper Austria also began to

experience the first pangs of industrial growth coupled with an increase in population.

Yet this was a haphazard process; some towns, such as Linz, Steyr and Wels, grew at a

steady rate, while just as many, if not more, suffered a marked decline in population.57

Increased competition from abroad, coupled with limited success in founding new

industries at home meant that industrialization occurred in a slow and piecemeal

fashion. In 1852, the province counted 166 factories. At the end of the 1860s this

number had increased to 187, with between 9,000 and 12,000 employees. Growth in

the ensuing decades was slow and only after 1890 was there a marked upswing so that

by 1902 one could count over 500 factories with upwards of 40,000 employees.58

In the 1850s, Linz, the capital city, was the twenty-third largest city in the

Monarchy with a population of about 27,000.59 If the suburbs are added — important,

since that is where most of the industrial activity occurred and working-class

57
Haider, Geschichte Oberösterreichs, p. 243.
58
Such statistical examples are nevertheless problematic due to the often changing methods of
counting. In general, “factory” represents any industrial workplace with upwards of 20 employees.
Haider, Geschichte Oberösterreichs, p. 347.
59
This is compared to a population of 431,000 in Vienna, 118,000 in Prague, or even 55,000 in
Graz. In order, the largest cities in the Monarchy in the 1850s were: Vienna, Milan, Venice, Prague,
Pest, Lemberg, Trieste, Graz, Padua, Verona, Krakow, Szegedin, Pest, Brno, Bratislava
(Preßburg/Pozsony), Bergamo, Brescia, Maria Theresiopel (Subotica), Debreczin, Mantuam Vicenza,
and Cremona. See, F. Schmitt, Statistik des österreichischen Kaiserstaates. Nach "Hain's Handbuch der
Statistik" für den Schulgebrauch, (Vienna, 1854), pp. 68-69.
 36

population lived — the population figure comes to about 40,000 people, which

represented about 5.6% of the population of Upper Austria, itself a province of about

720,000 in an empire of over approximately 32 million.60 Both the province and its

capital were thus on the smallish side.

Table 1: Cities in Austria, 1869-191061

By City: 1869 1880 1890 1900 1910

Vienna 880,051 1,136,700 1,399,922 1,728,738 2,031,498
Prague 163,558 171,992 195,066 222,831 223,741
Lemberg 87,109 109,746 127,943 159,877 206,113
Trieste 70,274 74,544 120,333 134,146 160,993
Krakow 57,195 76,091 92,767 121,839 151,886
Graz 81,119 97,791 112,069 138,080 151,781
Brünn (Brno) 73,771 82,660 94,462 109,346 125,737
Linz (w. suburbs) 44,531 57,086 65,965 84,693 101,927
Western Monarchy 20,394,980 22,144,244 23,895,413 26,150,708 28,571,934

Urbanization in the second half of the nineteenth century was sporadic, with

stagnation and decline in the 1850s and 60s, a steady though minimal increase

throughout the 1870s and 80s, and, finally, a dramatic upsurge after the 1890s. By

1910, Linz had just about trebled in size relative to 1850: over 70,000 now lived inside

the city and a further 30,000 in the suburbs. One can also measure the extent of

urbanization in the province as a whole: Linz and its suburbs also now included 12%

60
Figures are for 1857. “Suburbs” refers to the following towns: Urfahr, Kleinmünchen,
Ebelsbergm Traun and St. Peter. See, Michael John and Gerhard A. Stadler, "Zur
Bevölkerungsentwicklung und Stadtwachstum in Linz, 1840-1880," Historisches Jahrbuch der Stadt
Linz (1987): p. 121; Österreichisches Statistisches Zentralamt, Geschichte und Ergebnisse der
zentralen amtlichen Statistik in Österreich, 1829-1979, (Vienna, 1979), p. 13.
61
Source: William H. Hubbard, "Politics and Society in the Central European City: Graz, Austria,
1861-1918," Canadian Journal of History 5 (1970): p. 26; Statistische Zentralkommission, Vorläufige
Ergebnisse der Ausserordentlichen Volkszählung vom 31. Jänner 1920 nebst Gemeinderverzeichnis,
vol. 5, (Vienna, 1920), p. 9.
 37

of the region’s population (See Figure 3). Though this rate of growth was nowhere

near that of the fastest growing cities in Europe (Bochum, for example, grew from

around 4,200 in 1842 to 120,000 by 1907),62 it grew at what could be called a

respectable rate for urban centers in the western Habsburg Monarchy, mirroring

growth rates in Vienna and Graz, as well as in many other central European cities.63

Figure 3: Population Growth in Linz and Upper Austria, 1851-191964

Regardless of their inconsistent rate of growth in the 1850s and 60s, these

smallish urban centers nevertheless remained busy points of transfer. Michael John,

using the Linz conscription lists between 1854 and 1866, has estimated that more than

62
David F. Crew, Town in the Ruhr: A Social History of Bochum, 1860-1914, (New York, 1979).
63
Ernst Bruckmüller, Sozialgeschichte Österreichs, (Vienna, 1985), pp. 302-304; Anthony James
Steinhoff, "Religion as Urban Culture: A View from Strasbourg, 1870-1914," Journal of Urban History
30 (2004): pp. 152-154.
64
Source: Personalstand; Schematismus der Geistlichkeit. Figures include non-Catholics.
 38

130,000 people lived in Linz at some point in those twelve years,65 a statistic that

points to a highly mobile population; a city where people moved in, out, and around at

a dizzying rate. Thus, even though we can not yet speak of a population boom in the

1850s and 60s, we can speak of a constantly changing urban space: while the number

of native ‘Linzers’ declined from 16,411 to 13,734 between 1850 and 1869, the

number of registered foreigners66 grew from 12,099 to 17,535.

Figure 4: Linz Population by Heimatberechtigung, 1810-190067

65
These lists were a combination of census data and municipal registration lists. Michael John,
Bevölkerung in der Stadt: "Einheimische" und "Fremde" in Linz (19. und 20. Jahrhundert), (Linz,
2000), p. 78. See also the excellent article on which parts of the book are based, John and Stadler,
"Bevölkerungsentwicklung."
66
The German distinction is between Heimatsberechtigte or Einheimische (natives) and Fremde
(foreigners). The latter category makes no distinction of whether an immigrant came from a village in
Upper Austria 5 miles from the Linz border, the furthest reaches of the Habsburg Monarchy, or even
elsewhere in Europe. On Heimatrecht, see Chapter Six, below.
67
Source: John, Bevölkerung in der Stadt, pp. 67-111.
 39

And within Upper Austria, Linz was by no means the exception. The other

larger cities, such as Wels and Steyr, and even smaller towns, such as Ried, Braunau

or Vöcklabruck, all experienced similar rates of growth in the second half of the

nineteenth century. Indeed, the most extreme example, though certainly an anomaly,

can be found in Steyr, which was home to Austria’s largest arms factory, the

Österreichische Waffenfabriks-Aktiengesellschaft led by Josef Werndl. Depending on

the volume of a given contract, employment figures at the factory could fluctuate

between 700 and 2,000 employees (often in the short space of a few months), always

accompanied by a similar migration in and out of the city.68

Figure 5: Employment in Upper Austria by Sector, 190069

By 1900, just under half of the province’s workforce was employed in

agriculture. The most important branches of industry were linen weaving and twine

production. By the late eighteenth century, textile factories existed in larger towns

68
On the weapons factory in Steyr, see, Michaela Pfaffenwimmer, "Die wirtschaftliche und soziale
Entwicklung der 'Österreichischen Waffenfabriks-Aktiengesellschaft' unter der Leitung des
Generaldirektors Josef Werndl, 1869-1889" (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Vienna, 1985).
69
Source: Österreichisches Statistisches Zentralamt, Geschichte und Ergebnisse, p. 17.
 40

such as Linz and Vöcklabruck, as well as in smaller towns, such as Schwanenstadt or

Neuhofen a.d. Krems. The southern part of the province, the Salzkammergut, was

dominated by the salt industry — hence its name — which employed between 4,000

and 5,000 workers in a chain of small towns and villages around Hallstatt. A third

important source of industry located in the east and southeast of the province and

centered in Steyr was the steel and iron working industry, though apart from the

weapons’ factory, this branch of industry began to decline after the 1840s due to

increased competition from abroad.70

A Careful Democratization

In terms of democratization, Upper Austria is a classic example of the rise and

fall of liberal hegemony on a local level. Already in the 1830s and 40s, a growing

middle-class began to agitate against absolutist government, economic regulation, and

the power of the Catholic Church. In 1848 these grievances came to the fore as the

revolution spread to the province: in Linz, workers rioted over economic issues,

causing liberals to form a Volkswehr – modelled loosely on the Nationalgarde in

Vienna – and join forces with the government to put down the riots. At the same time,

liberals began to use the Volkswehr and other ad hoc governmental structures as a

form of shadow municipal administration, pressuring the state for change. Liberals

pushed the Vienna-appointed mayor, Joseph Bischoff, out of office and clamored for

greater autonomy in the affairs of their city. A liberal press quickly appeared and

70
Haider, Geschichte Oberösterreichs, pp. 265-268.
 41

began agitating against the Catholic Church. By April, the Jesuits had been expelled

from their house on the Freinberg just on the outskirts of Linz. Just as importantly,

these successes did not suddenly disappear after 1848. By 1850, Linz had an elected

liberal mayor and a liberal-leaning lawyer from Salzburg, Alois Fischer, as governor.71

The revolution of 1848 also spurred different streams within the Catholic

Church to action. By August of that year the province had its first Katholikenverein

and, a short while later, its first overtly political Catholic newspaper, the Volksbote für

Religion und Gesetz, later renamed the Katholische Blätter. An initial politicization of

the priesthood also took place during this time and two Upper Austrian priests, the

conservative Jodok Stülz from St. Florian and the more liberal and German nationalist

Beda Piringer from Kremsmünster, were elected to the assembly in the Paulskriche in

Frankfurt.72

In the 1850s, as will be covered in Chapter Three Chapter in greater detail, the

government in Vienna forced liberals out of power in the provincial administration

while nevertheless allowing them to retain their positions in the municipalities. Only

after Austria-Hungary’s 1859 military defeat in Solferino were liberals able to force

the cash-poor government into a series of new concessions, eventually leading to the

71
On 1848 in Linz and Upper Austria, see, Karl von Görner, Das Revolutionsjahr 1848 in Linz und
Oberösterreich, (Linzer Tagespost, 1898), (Linz, 1898); Franz Kirchmayr, "Oberösterreich in der Zeit
des Neoabsolutismus (1850-1860)" (Ph.D. Dissertation, Leopold-Franzens Universität Innsbruck,
1968).
72
On Stülz, see, Wilhelm Pailler, Jodok Stülz, Prälat von St. Florian. Ein Lebensbild, (Linz,
1876); Hans Sturmberger, "Jodok Stülz und die Katholische Bewegung des Jahres 1848," in Land ob
der Enns und Österreich. Aufsätze und Vorträge, (Linz, 1979). Relatively little literature exists on
Piringer. See, Anton Sageder, "P. Beda Piringer O.S.B. (1810-1876). Mönch, Politiker, Dichter und
Gelehrter," Oberösterreichische Heimatblätter 37 (1983). On the delegates from Upper Austria in
general, see, Heinrich Best and Wilhelm Weege, eds., Biographisches Handbuch der Abgeordneten der
Frankfurter Nationalversammlung 1848/49, (Düsseldorf, 1998).
 42

1860 October Diploma and 1861 February Patent. Upper Austria was granted a new

provincial constitution and an elected Diet with fifty members.73 Such changes,

though welcome, were still a long way from provincial autonomy or self-rule: the

Statthalterei, which controlled the administrative apparatus of the region, remained

firmly subordinated to the Ministry of the Interior. The Diet, however, did gain an

important say in how its budget — the Landesfond — was spent.

Suffrage in provincial elections — for the communes and for the provincial Diet

— increased in only a piecemeal fashion. Between 1861 and 1873 about 110,000 of

the province’s 725,000 registered legal residents (Heimatberechtigte, the number

includes women and children) had the right to vote in the various local elections

(Gemeindewahlen) and about 40,000 could take part in the elections of the provincial

Diet. By 1896 this latter number had increased to 73,000. Even these numbers are

misleading, however, because, like in most other regions in central Europe in the

nineteenth century, the voters were divided into four curia, sharply divided by income

and social status.74 Universal male suffrage arrived in 1909, two years after elections

for the Cisleithanian Reichsrat had already become universal (though still ahead of

73
Only 49 were elected: the bishop of Upper Austria automatically held a seat and, though he had
no voting rights, the Statthalter also sat with the delegates. On the Diet, see, Harry Slapnicka, "Der
Oberösterreichische Landtag," in Die Habsburgermonarchie 1848-1918. Vol. VII. Verfassung und
Parliamentarismus, ed. Helmut Rumpler and Peter Urbanitsch, (Vienna, 2000).
74
Harry Slapnicka, Oberösterreich unter Kaiser Franz Joseph (1861 bis 1918), (Linz, 1982), pp.
77-96.
 43

most other provinces in Cisleithania), and in the form of a separate curia rather than as

part of a complete overhaul of the suffrage system.75

Table 2: Elections to the Upper Austrian Diet, 1861-190976

1871 1871
Elections 1861 1867 1870 (Sep.) (Dec.) 1878 1884 1890 1896 1901 1909
Catholic-Cons. 8 7 20 29 19 22 33 33 33 30 47
Liberal 42 43 30 21 31 28 17 16
Deutsch-Liberale 13 11
Verfassungstreue 2 1
Pan-German
Deutschnationale 1 2 8 20
Socialist 1
Total 50 50 50 50 50 50 50 50 50 50 68

Except for a few months in 1871, liberals retained control over the Diet from its

inception in 1860 until 1884, after which the Catholic-conservatives held control until

the outbreak of war in 1914. From the beginning, the liberal delegates were not

without opposition — eight conservatives, including 5 priests, were elected to the first

Diet in 1861.77 In the 1880s, the liberals’ polity splintered under increasing pressure

from several directions: a Bauernverein (Smallholders’ Party) emerged with a strong

rural base, becoming the second largest political party in the province until 1907

(though it received no mandates under the existing curia system). A decade later, the

liberal movement itself slowly gave way to radical-nationalist and pan-German

political parties; the sixteen ‘liberal’ delegates of 1890 had, by 1909, given way to a

75
It thus stood in marked contrast to the general suffrage reform of 1907 for the Reichsrat. On the
1907 reform, see, William Alexander Jenks, The Austrian Electoral Reform of 1907, (New York, 1950).
76
Source: Slapnicka, Oberösterreich unter Kaiser Franz Joseph, pp. 166-167.
77
A general account of the elections to the Diet of Upper Austria can be found in, Slapnicka,
Oberösterreich unter Kaiser Franz Joseph, pp. 152-239.
 44

faction of twenty German nationalists. Indeed, two developments help one observe the

decline of liberal influence and reorientation of its values: first, the Liberal-Politischer

Verein’s steadily declining membership numbers. Already in the 1870s membership

dropped from 2,600 in 1873 to approximately 1,000 in 1878. A second development

was the continual renaming of the Verein: in 1885, it became the Deutscher Verein für

Oberösterreich, followed a year later by the Fortschrittspartei; in 1888 it again

switched names, becoming the Deutschnationaler Verein für Oberösterreich und

Salzburg; finally, in 1897 the remaining faction, led by the pan-German and anti-

Semitic Carl Beurle,78 switched its name to the Deutscher Volksverein für

Oberösterreich. 79

For a variety of reasons, not the least being the pronounced anti-Socialists

tendencies of the provincial administration and the slanted franchise system, the Social

Democrats were very weak in the province. Early and sustained police action hindered

the formation of a political organization. When it finally did emerge, the movement

became bogged down in sustained arguments between idealists and realists, a division

reinforced by nationalist sentiments, since the former often consisted of Bohemian

immigrants. The official founding of the Social Democratic Party in Upper Austria is

usually dated to the Hainfelder Congress of 1888/89 and, soon thereafter, a flurry of

78
On Beurle, see, Kurt Tweraser, "Dr. Carl Beurle - Schönerers Apostel in Linz," Historisches
Jahrbuch der Stadt Linz (1989/90).
79
On the liberals in Upper Austria, see, Helga Embacher, "Von liberal zu national: Das Linzer
Vereinswesen 1848-1938," Historisches Jahrbuch der Stadt Linz (1991); Slapnicka, Oberösterreich
unter Kaiser Franz Joseph, pp. 152-161, 177-187, and passim; Kurt Wimmer, Liberalismus in
Oberösterreich: am Beispiel des liberal-politischen Vereins für Oberösterreich in Linz (1869-1909),
(Linz, 1979). On the decline of liberal politics in general, see, Judson, Exclusive Revolutionaries, chpts.
6 and 7.
 45

local association were formed under its aegis. In 1897 the Social Democratic paper,

the Wahrheit! first appeared, but the party had to wait until 1909 for its first electoral

successes: a single delegate to the Upper Austrian Diet.80

Secularization and its Discontents

For many conservative Catholics who came of age at the beginning of the

nineteenth century, the French Revolution and the French conquest of central Europe

represented the ideological excesses of the enlightenment, unbound and on display

much too close to home. War, pillage, plunder, and anarchy seemed to mix far too

freely with ideas of liberty, equality and fraternity during the Napoleonic wars. In

those parts of the western Habsburg Monarchy where the French occupation was of

some duration — in the Tyrol and Vorarlberg, which became Bavarian for a good part

of the conflict, but also in Upper Austria — the greater part of a generation grew up in

deep mistrust of the forces that would later reassemble themselves under the guise of

liberalism.81

In the 1820s and 30s, Catholic thinkers began formulating responses to what

they perceived of as the chaos of a false liberty. Periodicals such as Der Katholik,

founded 1822 in Mainz under the auspices of Bishop Ludwig Colmar, or the

80
On the Social Democratic movement in Upper Austria, see, Gerhart Baron, Der Beginn. Die
Anfänge der Arbeiterbildungsvereine in Oberösterreich, (Linz, 1971); Helmut Konrad, Das Entstehen
der Arbeiterklasse in Oberösterreich, (Vienna, 1981); Anton Weiguny, Erinnerungen eines Alten. Aus
den Anfängen der oberösterr. Arbeiterbewegung, (Linz, 1911).
81
A good portrayal of the roots of such an anti-liberal upbringing can be found in, Gottfried
Mayer, Österreich als katholische Grossmacht: ein Traum zwischen Revolution und liberaler Ära,
(Vienna, 1989). Also see, Thomas Nipperdey, Deutsche Geschichte 1800-1866. Bürgerwelt und starker
Staat, 3rd. ed., (Munich, 1983), p. 410.
 46

Katholisch-Kirchliche Zeitung, founded by Franz Baader in Aschaffenburg, created a

new voice for a passionately conservative and Ultramontane Catholicism. At the same

time, the circle that assembled around Clemens Maria Hofbauer in Vienna began

promoting new forms of spirituality that distinctly moved away from a Josephinist

model.82 The various struggles between Catholic Church and state over the question of

marriage laws in the 1830s, most famously in Cologne, prompted a new generation of

lay Catholics to move into the Ultramontane camp83 – and the revolutions of 1848

only strengthened their resolve to this effect. While these movements would come to

affect Upper Austria in the 1840s and especially after the appointment of Franz Josef

Rudigier in 1853, for the most part its clergy was still a model of Josephinist discipline

in the first half of the nineteenth century.

In the 1830s and 1840s, the various Ultramontane movements began to attract

followers, but the state did not yet see the Church as a strategic ally. That changed in

the 1850s, as governments throughout central Europe sought to stem the tide of unrest

and anarchy unleashed in 1848, now turning to the Catholic Church as a pillar of the

new order. Nowhere did this shift occur as dramatically as in Austria. Young

clergymen, such as Joseph Rauscher and Friedrich von Schwarzenberg, were swept

into the limelight and used the opportunity to create powerful new forums for the

82
Adam Bunnell, Before Infallibility: Liberal Catholicism in Biedermeier Vienna, (Rutherford,
N.J., 1990), pp. 45-50 and passim; Franz Schnabel, Deutsche Geschichte im neunzehnten Jahrhundert,
3. ed., 4 vols., (Freiburg, 1955), vol. IV, pp. 65-70, 74-92, 249-258.
83
Anderson, "Piety and Politics," pp. 704-705; Michael J. Lewis, The Politics of the German
Gothic Revival: August Reichensperger (1808-1895), (New York, 1996); Jon Vanden Heuvel, A
German life in the Age of Revolution: Joseph Görres, 1776-1848, (Washington, D.C., 2000); Otto
Weiss, "Der Ultramontismus: Grundlagen - Vorgeschichte - Struktur," Zeitschrift für bayerische
Landesgeschichte 34 (1971).
 47

Catholic Church, the most important of which was the Österreichische

Bischofskonferenz. The Bischofskonferenz first met in 1849 to lobby the young

monarch, Francis Joseph, and his government for greater freedoms for the Church, to

unite bishops and state officials in reversing the legacy of Josephinism, and to

consolidate the position of the Church within the state.84 In 1855, the Monarchy

signed a Concordat with the Vatican that evolved from these new streams of Catholic

thought. Among other things, the Concordat gave the Church control over marriages

and education. It also radicalized anti-clerical feeling among liberals.85

In the 1860s, as liberals again began to exert greater influence in public affairs,

the Catholic Church became an easy target. It was laden with rights and

responsibilities — schooling, marriage laws, censorship, and the keeping of birth,

death and marriage registries — that, liberals felt, should be the exclusive domain of

the state. After taking power in Austria in 1867, the new liberal government began

systematically to dismantle the bonds between Catholic Church and state. The height

of the conflict came between 1868 and 1874, at a time when a great number of

seemingly disparate events — the beginnings of a mass press, the unification of

Germany, the pope’s loss of temporal power in Rome, the papal declaration of

84
Joseph Ottmar Rauscher (1797-1875), later Cardinal and Archbishop of Vienna, was initially
appointed bishop of Sekkau in 1849 after having served as a tutor to a young Francis Joseph before the
latter’s assent to the throne in 1848. Friedrich von Schwarzenber (1809-1885), then Archbishop of
Salzburg and later Archbishop of Prague, was the brother of the Austrian Minister President Felix von
Schwarzenberg.
85
While some disagreement remains as to whether its clauses furthered or ended the Josephinist
order, there is no disagreement on the importance of the Concordat in rallying its opponents into the
liberal camp. See, Vocelka, Verfassung oder Konkordat, pp. 32-50; Weinzierl-Fischer, Konkordate, pp.
86-98; Peter Wozniak, "Count Leo Thun: A Conservative Savior of Educational Reform in the Decade
of Neoabsolutism," Austrian History Yearbook 26 (1995).
 48

infallibility — combined to kindle the flames of the conflict.86 In these years, the

liberal government in Vienna passed two sets of anti-clerical legislation, greatly

diminishing the power of the Church and effectively annulling the Concordat. These,

then, were the years of the “Kulturkampf” in Austria.

Within the Habsburg Monarchy, however, the “classic” Kulturkampf narrative

of clerical / anti-clerical conflict and the slow, purposeful separation of church and

state needs to be seen against an equally important backdrop of Josephinism and anti-

Josephinism within the Austrian Catholic hierarchy. In the mid-eighteenth century,

government reforms under Maria Theresa and her son, Joseph II, greatly changed the

relationship between church and state. These reforms, later termed Josephinism, meant

above all three things: the end of 'unproductive' religious practices (closing

monasteries with contemplative orders, a ban on hermits); the professionalization of

the clergy through more rigorous training, often in secular subjects such as math and

the sciences along with dogma; and, finally, the lessening of direct Vatican control

over the hierarchy, with a corresponding rise in state control. All communication with

local clergy had to first pass through the Austrian government, no Papal Bulls or

encyclicals could be issued without the monarch's approval, and all clergy had to take

an oath of allegiance to the state.87 Upper Austria as a separate diocese with a bishop

86
On the European dimensions of the conflict, see, Christopher Clark and Wolfram Kaiser, eds.,
Culture Wars: Secular-Catholic Conflict in Nineteenth-Century Europe, (Cambridge, 2003).
87
Most scholars now agree that “Josephinism” began before Joseph came to power and continued
on well after his death, especially when related to the Catholic Church and its clergy. Some scholars
then go on to argue that Josephinism was the Austrian version of reform Catholicism, while others
emphasize its uniquely Austrian aspects, focusing on the role it played in the Habsburg state-building
process. For an example of the former, see, Winter, Der Josefinismus und seine Geschichte. Beitrage
zur Geistesgeschichte Österreichs, 1740-1848. For the latter, see, Bowman, Priest and Parish;
 49

in Linz and subordinated to the Archbishop in Vienna, was only founded in 1785.

Before that date the province had been part of the bishopric of Passau and the new

diocese was the direct result of Joseph II’s attempt to make the administrative districts

of the Catholic Church synchronous with those of the state.

In the early nineteenth century, Josephinism backfired. Austria emerged from

the Napoleonic Wars with a well-educated and independent-minded clergy at a time

when the state desired obedience and complacency on the part of the clergy and the

populace.88 Much of the era was subsequently spent trying to 'un-enlighten' the clergy

with predictably mixed results. At the same time, as already mentioned above, a new

generation of priests that came of age during the Napoleonic Wars viewed the state —

and thus Josephinism as a model of relations between church and state — with

increasing skepticism. Thus while in most German-speaking regions of central Europe

the conflict between liberal and conservative forces within the Catholic Church turned

on the issue of Ultramontanism, in Austria the various sides tended to argue about the

legacy of Joseph II – often to the incomprehension of observers farther west and north.

As the well-known Munich theologian Ignaz von Döllinger commented while

speaking 1850 in Linz,

Wir draußen in Deutschland wussten äußerst Wenig von dem, was

in dem katholischen Österreich auf dem theologischen Gebiete

Ferdinand Maass, Der Josephinismus, (Wien, 1951). Also see, Derek Edward Dawson Beales, Joseph
II, vol. 1, (Cambridge, 1987); T. C. W. Blanning, Joseph II, (London, 1994); Ingrao, Habsburg
Monarchy, chpt. 6; Charles H. O'Brien, "Ideas of Religious Toleration at the Time of Joseph II. A Study
of the Enlightenment among Catholics in Austria," Transactions of the American Philosophical Society
59 (1969).
88
Bunnell, Before Infallibility.
 50

vorgehe … und was uns Österreich selbst auf diesem Gebiete

erschien, was für uns andere, ich möchte sagen, so ganz
fremdartig, so ganz, wie es schien, auf einem anderen Boden
gewachsen, aus einem anderen Geiste hervorgebracht, dass wir
es als etwas für uns Unverständliches ganz beiseite legten.89

While it often makes little sense to speak of a „Germany“ before 1866/71 — that is to

exclude the German-speaking regions of the Habsburg Monarchy from the historical

narrative before that date —,90 when it comes to Catholic theology and inner-Catholic

politics, there was a marked difference between those German-speaking provinces

within and without the Monarchy long before German unification.

It was around the issue of anti-Josephinism that the hierarchy in the 1850s and

1860s came together. The 1855 Concordat was, in this sense, above all an exercise in

anti-Josephinism, its Ultramontane tendencies unintended side effects.91 Indeed,

Rauscher, a leader of the anti-Josephinist movement within the higher clergy and

principal architect of the Concordat, was one of the most outspoken leaders of the anti-

Ultramontane minority in Rome during the first Vatican Council in 1869-70. At the

same time, the ardently Ultramontane bishops in the western Monarchy, Rudigier in

89
Johann Friedrich, Ignaz von Döllinger. Sein Leben auf Grund schriftlichen Nachlasses, 3 vols.,
(Munich, 1901), p. 82.
90
James J. Sheehan, "What is German History? Reflections on the Role of the Nation in German
History and Historiography," Journal of Modern History 53 (1981).
91
Some historians have argued that the Concordat can be interpreted as a “rearticulation of
Josephinist principles regarding the church-state relationship.” In the scope of its ambitions and its
willingness to dispense with existing regulations it certainly matched the scale of many Josephinist
reforms; but whereas Josephinism had sought to fuse the two bureaucracies together, the Concordat
aimed at separating them while giving the Catholic Church jurisdiction over central state functions such
as primary education and marriage laws. Josephinist principles, in contrast, were always first and
foremost about state jursidiction. Boyer, Political Radicalism, pp. 20-21; Judson, Exclusive
Revolutionaries, p. 71.
 51

Linz, Josef Feßler in St. Pölten, and Vinzenz Gasser in Brixen, remained a distinct

minority within the Austrian upper clergy in the 1850s and 60s. Unlike in France or in

other German speaking lands, where democratic and republican forms of government

seemed a distinct possibility, the longevity of the Habsburg family’s rule produced its

own dynamic. In Austria, it seemed, a monarch and his or her authority would always

stand above the state. The anti-Josephinist movement thus wanted to free the Catholic

Church and its administration from the grasp of the state, but it still saw the Church

within the Monarchy as a single entity, a further pillar and tool of the emperor in

ruling his subjects. That the school system, marriage courts, and the parish registries

remained not only under Church control but also were the official schools, marriage

courts and registries for the Monarchy (or, better said: of the Monarch) thus seemed

only natural. The Church was to be both separate and equal to the state administration.
 52

Chapter Two. The Priesthood in Upper Austria

When attempting to understand the role of the Catholic Church in a society,

one needs to begin with the clergy. The Sunday sermon in the parish church is the

most direct form of contact between parishioner and Catholic Church in any given

week; and it is through the social and charitable activities organized at a local level

that a parish most directly ‘experiences’ the Church and its workings. While it is easy

to examine the correspondence of the diocese administration in order to get a sense of

how the center of power understood the role of the Church in society, this leaves

questions unanswered: who disseminated policy, how was it disseminated, and,

perhaps most importantly, how did the laity receive it? The first two of these questions

are the subject of this chapter, a brief social history of the clergy in Upper Austria —

how many there were, what their working conditions were like, how, as a group, they

changed over time.

Organization

The diocese of Linz, created 1783 and 1785 in the midst of Josephinist reforms,

more or less encompasses the territory of present day Upper Austria.92 In the late

nineteenth century, the diocese was divided into twenty-eight districts called

Dekanate, which in turn contained a total of 403 parishes. Dekanate, however, were

92
There were minor “border-lapses” with the dioceses of Graz, Salzburg and St. Pölten.
 53

not equal in size, population, or even in the number of parishes contained within; the

largest Dekanat had twenty-two parishes, the smallest one seven; the average was

around fourteen.93 Ideally, a parish would consist of a priest and an assistant priest

(called a Kooperator) but conditions were often far from ideal. The average number of

priests in a given year during the second half of the nineteenth century hovered around

640 for the diocese as a whole, which meant that most parishes were strictly one-man

affairs. Urban parishes often did have several priests, usually three to four working

together, but even here the ratio of priest to parishioner was far above the norm.94

Life within the Catholic Church was, in many respects, a universe within itself.

At the top of each diocese stood the bishop, head of the “executive branch” of the

ecclesiastical government. The Domkapitel, an advisory board of high-ranking

ecclesiastical advisors, supported him in his endeavors. The main brunt of the

administrative duties was, in turn, borne by two separate administrative offices: the

Bischöfliches Ordinariat and the Bischöfliches Consistorium. The Bischöfliches

Ordinariat was the organizational branch of the ecclesiastical government. It dealt

with matters such as the placement of priests, the coordination of the activities of the

93
Figures are for 1885. P. Wolfgang Dannerbauer, General-Schematismus des geistlichen
Personalstandes der Diöcese Linz vom Jahre 1785 bis 1885. Eine Festschrift zur Ersten Säcular-Feier
des Bisthums Linz, (Linz, 1887), pp. xvii-xxii.
94
Unless otherwise noted, all statistics relating to priests and population come from Dannerbauer,
General-Schematismus; Personalstand; Georg Russinger, Erster Ergänzungsband zum
Generalschematismus des geisitlichen Personalstandes der Diöcese Linz umfassend die Jahre 1885 bis
1915, (Linz, 1916); Schematismus der Geistlichkeit. The population statistics include only Catholics.
The Schematisma also have statistics for non-Catholics in each parish. The total population for each
year, however, tends to disagree with the numbers given in the more recent literature and thus should
only be taken as an approximation. I have nevertheless decided to use the data here, because these were
the figures the administration used when trying to place priests or plan for the future. More recent
figures can be found in, John, Bevölkerung in der Stadt; John and Stadler, "Bevölkerungsentwicklung."
 54

myriad institutions (parishes, hospitals, convents, seminary, etc.) within the diocese,

and thus served as the official administrative organ of the diocese. The Bischöfliches

Consistorium, in contrast, was a theological and judicial advisory board, usually an

expanded version of the Domkapitel. Rounding off the administration was the

ecclesiastical court system, which mainly functioned in two capacities: it implemented

marriage laws for all Catholics, and functioned as a civil court for priests. In addition

to priest, parish, and administration there existed numerous monasteries and religious

orders, a series of Church-run hospitals, the priestly seminary, the school system, and

its very own corrections facility, the Priesterhaus Mitterberg.95

Demography

The logistics of matching priest to parish was never easy and a general shortage

of priests a chronic problem. In the eighteenth century, the Josephinist benchmark was

to have between 700 and 1,000 Catholics per priest in a diocese, though such an ideal

became increasingly difficult to maintain anywhere in Europe as the nineteenth

century progressed.96 As Table 3 shows, when compared with other dioceses in

Austria and Prussia, Upper Austria was about average with its ration of parishioners

per priest in the 1870s, i.e. it faced similar problems as other dioceses. Since the

Catholic population of the province as a whole increased only slowly in the nineteenth

century, climbing from 698,179 in 1851 to 847,909 in 1914, the ratio, even at it worst

in 1903 (1299 Catholics per priest) did not compare to Vienna. Nevertheless, even

95
On the Priesterhaus Mitterberg, see, p. 70, below.
96
Bowman, Priest and Parish, pp. 40-41.
 55

with such a relatively “benign” rate of growth, the diocese continually had difficulty

finding and training enough priests.

Table 3: Catholics per Priest, Prussia and Austria97

Diocese 1873 1881

Hildesheim 493 1384
Münster 656 845
Osnabrück 675 849
Paderborn 719 885
Cologne 888 1,050
Trier 945 1,236
Fulda 1,021 1,169
Ermland 1,052 1,267
Linz 1,087 1,159
Posen 1,222 1,793
Limburg 1,255 1,485
Vienna 1,47098
Kulm 1,618 2,230
Breslau 1,644 2,100

For dioceses with shifting populations and urban centers, however, such

statistics often underplayed the real problem. While overall population growth

remained relatively low in the diocese as a whole, it was the “internal” migration rate

that caused much greater problems. As we saw in Figure 3 in the previous chapter,

while the population of Upper Austria as a whole grew only at marginal rates in the

second half of the nineteenth century, the population of Linz (measured here as the

Dekanat Linz, which includes some, but not all, of the suburbs) experienced a much

more dramatic increase in population, especially in the years from 1890 to 1905 when

97
Source: Figures compiled using, Margaret Lavinia Anderson, "The Limits of Secularization: On
the Problem of the Catholic Revival in Nineteenth-Century Germany," Historical Journal 38 (1995): p.
652; Bowman, Priest and Parish, p. 43; Schematismus der Geistlichkeit.
98
Figures for Vienna are for 1870.
 56

the population doubled in size. Furthermore, Linz, as the seat for the diocese, had an

overhead of administrative clergymen that tended to skew the statistics.

As in most dioceses undergoing a process of industrialization in the nineteenth

century, the problem of the number of priests in Upper Austria was thus compounded

by the logistical nightmare of sending them to the right places. Though the

Bischöfliches Ordinariat kept meticulous records on the subject, solving the logistical

problems associated with industrialization and urbanization — founding new parishes,

building more churches and re-assigning priests — was a higher art form within

diocese administration. Rudigier, an ideological warrior who often pleaded for more

priests, was not all adept at placing them efficiently, and, especially in Linz, the ratio

of lay Catholics per priest increased steadily during his tenure. His immediate

successor, Ernst Maria Müller, was no different. Only Müller’s successor and

Rudigier’s protégé, Franz Maria Doppelbauer, finally proved up to the task.

Doppelbauer kept a much more meticulous tab on the administrative side of running

the diocese. As Figure 6 shows, while the ratio of Catholics per priest grew steadily

under both Rudigier and Müller, Doppelbauer was able to rein it in to manageable

levels within the space of a decade. To accomplish this, Doppelbauer made the

placement of priests a priority of his tenure as bishop. He was meticulous and rigorous

in how he selected and placed priests99 and Doppelbauer built a new Jesuit secondary

99
Ebner, "Kollegium Petrinum," p. 146. This impression is reinforced when examining records
from almost any part of his administration. From meeting notes to seminarians’ entrance exams,
Doppelbauer’s administration maintained much more meticulous records than its predecessors.
 57

school, the Petrinum, to ensure that the number of young candidates for the priesthood

would continue to increase in the foreseeable future.

Figure 6: Catholics per Priest in Linz and Upper Austria, 1851-1919100

The Seminary

A central aspect of good diocese administration was thus the priestly seminary,

where budding graduates of a Gymnasium could become priests.101 Seminarians

generally attended the seminary for four years; the more talented among them were

100
Source: Personalstand; Schematismus der Geistlichkeit.
101
A Gymnasium degree was required for entrance to the Seminary. The Catholic Church had an
intricate system of giving fellowhips to talented but poor students, mostly in rural areas, in the
expectation that they later entered the priesthood.
 58

ordained priests at the end of their third year. It is in the seminary that young students

were first confronted with the reality of what it meant to be a priest, not just the

intricacies of theology but also the other important duties that came with pastoral care:

maintaining the parish registries, performing weddings, writing sermons,

administering poor relief, maintaining a steady rate of visitations within the parish,

and so on.102

Like its counterparts in other dioceses in the Monarchy, the Linz seminary was

very much a product of Josephinist reform. Founded in 1804 by Bishop Josef Anton

Gall (classes began in 1806), its purpose was to give the young diocese a place to

educate ‘its’ priests, who, until then, had continued to receive their training in

Bavarian Passau. But “within the diocese“ did not mean controlled by the Church. The

Alumnen, as the priests-in-training were called, were to receive as much of their

training as possible from institutions controlled by the Austrian state. For example,

while the Alumnen lived in the seminary, their classrooms were located in the local

Lyceum, the philosophical preparatory school where students went prior to university.

Here, the Alumnen were ‘forced’ to mingle with other lay students – this was

Josephinism in action – preparing for university exams or received training in other,

more worldly disciplines.

102
My emphasis here is to give a short overview of the seminary, pointing out some areas where
practice in Upper Austria differed from that in Vienna and other dioceses. Those interested in a more
thorough study of the curriculum and social history of the Catholic seminary in Austria should turn to,
Bowman, Priest and Parish, especially chpt. 4.
 59

One of the first things Franz Josef Rudigier did upon being appointed bishop in

1853 was to move the classrooms into the seminary.103 Indeed, in his first years as

bishop, Rudigier initiated a number of important measures to reform the seminary. His

goal was to have the Alumnen cut off from the outside world as much as possible until

their character had been “sufficiently formed” to survive its seeming spiritual

wasteland – i.e., alone, in a parish. In addition to moving the classrooms back into the

seminary, the Alumnen were prohibited from crossing the main square when going

through the city. Rudigier also increased the frequency of confession and communion

required for Alumnen and put much greater emphasis on proper etiquette: how to

dress, how to greet professors and colleagues, and where to leave one’s coat and hat

upon entering the seminary.104

Moreover, not just the students were the objects of Rudigier’s reforms. To reign

in what he considered lax behavior among the professors of the seminary, Rudigier

cancelled the informal weekly meetings on theological questions called

Pastoralkonferenzen, which had been organized by members of the seminary faculty

since 1846.105 He also began reprimanding the faculty for lax discipline in much the

same tone as the seminarians. In an especially telling letter to the sub-regent of the

Seminary in 1855, Rudigier complained that most faculty members had not appeared

at that year’s epiphany procession:

103
Chronik des bisch. Seminars in Linz, 1806-, DAL, pp. 129-130.
104
Taken from Rudigier’s comments on a set of statutes from 1847. DAL SEM A/1 Fasz. IIc, Sch.
3.
105
On the early Pastoralkonferenzen, see below, page 73.
 60

Wenn wir Priester sind, so müßen wir vor allen Anderen Männern
des Gebethes sein … Und wenn wir Priester erziehen wollen, so
müssen wir die theuren Zöglinge vor allen Andren zu Männer des
Gebethes bilden … Und wenn wir nicht Priester im vollen Sinne
des Wortes bekommen, wie wird die Zukunft der Diözese sein? …
Ich würde den Abgang einiger Professoren der Theologie bei der
gedachten Prozession nicht so sehr empfinden, wenn sie sich
sonst als Männer des Gebethes darstellen würden;…nicht
einmahl die Heil. Messe wird von allen in einer Weise gelesen,
welche Andacht u. Glauben verbreitet.106

But the new bishop was not all stick and no carrot: at the same time he imposed the

above restrictions on the Alumnen and chastised the faculty, he also raised the weekly

allowance of the Alumnen, took an active role in improving the quality and

consistency of their meals, and had additional material comforts installed in the

seminary, including a pricey new water-boiler installed in the regent’s private

chambers.107

The seminary was by no means a large affair. It averaged about twenty-four new

students a year, of which, on average, seventeen eventually became priests.108 The

averages are misleading, however, for the actual number of new Alumnen could

106
Rudigier to the Vice-Direktor der Theologischen Diözesan Lehranstalt, 9 January 1855. DAL
FAK A/1 Sch. 6 Fasz. III.
107
Chronik des bisch. Seminars, 1806-, DAL, pp. 130-131. Also see, , "Chronik des bisch.
Seminars in Linz, 1806-," (Linz, 1806-), pp. 130-131; Rudolf Zinnhobler, "Der Erziehungsstil in den
Priesterseminaren des 19. Jahrhunderts," Neues Archiv für die Geschichte der Diözese Linz 10
(1996/1997).
108
1,760 students entered the seminary between 1835 and 1907, of whom 467 either dropped out
or, in a very few cases, died during the course of their studies. Josef Rettenbacher, Das bischöfliche
Priesterseminar der Diözese Linz während seines hundert-jährigen Bestehens vom Jahre 1806 bis zum
Jahre 1906, (Linz, 1907).
 61

fluctuate dramatically from one year to the next, meaning that the seminary housed

somewhere between 35 and 110 students, depending on the respective sizes of the

various classes.109

Figure 7: Alumnen entering the Seminary, 1835-1907110

Looking at the fluctuation over time, there does not appear to be a correlation between

the number of priests entering the seminary and the degree to which the Catholic

Church enjoyed a “privileged place” in society. The 1850s and 1880s, both eras when

the Catholic Church enjoyed the legal and administrative comforts of a friendly

109
Hermann Zschokke, Die theologischen Studien und Anstalten der katholischen Kirche in
Österreich. Aus Archivalien, (Vienna and Leipzig, 1894), p. 607.
110
Source: Rettenbacher, Priesterseminar. The table counts each enetering class and their
graduation rate. Thus for any given year it does not reflect the number of seminarians who graduated
that year, but rather, how many new seminarians entered and how many of them eventually were
ordained into the priesthood.
 62

government, produced widely varying entrance rates for the seminary. Similarly, the

years of antagonistic politics, between 1867 and 1877, and from 1890 until the end of

the Monarchy, strike the observer only in their strange consistency, hovering around

the center of the range.

Table 4: Alumnen in the Seminary by Decade, 1840-1907111

Enrolled Dropped Out Finished

1840s 22,7 4,8 (21%) 17,4 (77%)
1850s 19,0 4,3 (23%) 14,5 (76%)
1860s 26,9 5,4 (20%) 20,7 (77%)
1870s 16,8 5,2 (31%) 11,2 (67%)
(1867-1877) 21,2 5,6 (27%) 14,8 (70%)
1880s 32,1 9,6 (30%) 21,3 (66%)
1890s 22,9 4,7 (21%) 17,7 (77%)
1900s 22,8 4,6 (20%) 17,8 (78%)

Certainly there are ‘exceptional’ years, especially at the start of the Kulturkampf in

1867 and in the years following Rudigier’s death (which also marked Ernst Maria

Müller’s tenure as bishop), but such peaks were followed by valleys: after a record

forty new seminarians enrolled in 1867, the number fell to twenty-five in 1868, and,

by the end of the Kulturkampf in the mid 1870s, fell to a record low of ten.

Table 5: Average number of Alumnen in the Seminary by Bishop per Year112

Enrolled Dropped Out Finished

Ziegler (1827-1852) 21,9 4,3 (20%) 17,3 (79%)
Rudigier (1853-1884) 22,2 5,8 (26%) 15,9 (71%)
Müller (1885-1888) 35,2 9,4 (27%) 24,0 (68%)
Doppelbauer (1889-1908) 26,7 5,8 (22%) 19,8 (74%)

111
Source: Rettenbacher, Priesterseminar.
112
Source: Rettenbacher, Priesterseminar.
 63

Such large fluctuations in the number of priests meant that slight variations

could count for a great deal over time, a point especially born out by looking at how

the various bishops fared in recruiting and keeping Alumnen. Gregorius Thomas

Ziegler, Rudigier’s predecessor as Bishop of Linz, had the lowest rate of enrollment,

for example, but also the lowest dropout rate, making ‘his’ seminary an extremely

efficient producer of new priests. Rudigier, by contrast, had both a higher rate of

enrollment (though this fluctuated wildly, see Figure 7) and a higher rate of dropouts,

a tendency that became even more pronounced under his immediate and short-lived

successor Ernst Maria Müller, who had both the highest average enrollment and

dropout rate. It was only Rudigier’s heir apparent, Doppelbauer, who got the numbers

back under control. Though the number of new seminarians under his watch also

declined over time, it was a slower decline begun from a much higher starting point.

Doppelbauer made the combating of “Priestermangel” – as the problem was termed –

a central tenet of his reign as bishop. Just as Rudigier initiated the building of the

Maria-Empfängnis-Dom in 1855 to anchor the Catholic Church more visibly in public

life, Doppelbauer’s lasting contribution to the diocese consisted of the Petrinum, the

Jesuit Gymnasium⁄ built in the 1890s on a hill overlooking Urfahr.113 Rudigier and

most other bishops issued isolated appeals to encourage parish priests to recruit for the

seminary, but there is no correlation — even if delayed by five or ten years —

113
Urfahr is across the Danube from Linz. It was incorporated into Linz in 1919.
 64

between the dates of the appeals and significant changes in the number of seminarians

at any one time.114

So how can one account for the differences in dropout rates? Two factors seem

significant: first, whether an Alumn came from Upper Austria; and, second, whether he

had attended one of the Jesuit-run Gymnasien in Linz, the Freinberg,115 founded in

1851, or, after 1897, the Collegium Petrinum.116 To begin with place of origin: the

average dropout rate for all Alumnen in a given year was 23.5 percent. For Alumnen

from Bohemia, however, this rate jumped to 42.3 percent. Although a steady influx of

Bohemian students was important to the diocese so that it could care for its Czech-

speaking population (see pp. 266-267 below), these students had trouble fitting in. To

some extent this was a language problem, as many new seminarians, especially from

Bohemia, came with only a marginal command of German. By the late 1880s,

however, it had also become a national problem, as tensions between German and

Czech Seminarians flared up on occasion within the seminary, hinting at deeper

patterns of ostracism.117 Language skills can account for only some of the fluctuation,

however, as seminarians who came from other parts of the Monarchy and from other

114
Based on a comparison of the articles combating Priestermangel found in the Linzer
Diözesanblatt and Figure 7.
115
The Freinberg was a Jesuit school founded in 1851 after the building, which had been one of
the thirty-two fortification towers built by Archduke Maximillian between 1828 and 1837, was donated
to the order in 1837. It was one of only three Jesuit-run Gymnasien to enjoy financial support from the
state through the so-called Öffentlichkeitsrecht, though, like all Jesuit-run schools in the Monarchy, the
government withdrew this right at the height of the Kulturkampf in 1868. Stefan Malfèr, ed., Die
Protokolle des Österreichischen Ministerrates. V. Abteilung. Die Ministerien Erzherzog Rainer und
Mensdorff, vol. 2: 1. Mai 1861 - 2. November 1861, (Vienna, 1981), p. 423.
116
On the Collegium Petrinum, see, Ebner, "Kollegium Petrinum;” Rettenbacher, Priesterseminar.
117
See the materials in DAL FAK A/1 Sch. 6 Fasz. III.
 65

German-speaking provinces had similar problems adjusting. In 1860, for example,

thirteen seminarians came from Münster in the Rhineland, of which six returned home

during the course of their studies. And a cursory glance at the available data suggests

that this was no isolated incident: whether prospective priests came from Vienna or

Salzburg, Hungary or the Rhineland, non-Upper Austrian priests had much higher

dropout rates, similar to those of their Bohemian peers.118

In contrast, entering seminarians who had attended one of the Jesuit-run

Gymnasien in Linz seemed well-prepared for seminary life. Compared to the regular

dropout rate of 23.5 percent, graduates of the two Jesuit schools experienced a dropout

rate of only 13.4 percent. This divergence can mostly be explained by the fact that the

Jesuit seminary, in contrast with any given regular state-owned Gymnasium, saw itself

expressly in the business of preparing students to be seminarians. All of teachers were

Jesuit priests, with a well-defined tendency toward Ultramontane, conservative and

strict; they thus presented an apt model for student life in the seminary. In contrast,

students entering the seminary after having graduated from a public Gymnasium had a

more difficult time adjusting to the rigors of seminary life and dropped out at over

twice the rate of their Jesuit-schooled peers. Moreover, the two groups remained

divided even within the seminary, existing as two separate cliques.119

118
Similar results can be found in Vienna as well. See, Bowman, Priest and Parish, p. 114.
119
On this point, see, for example, the entries from 3 January 1866 and 17 March 1867, Hanrieder
Diary, 50, 106. Norbert Hanrieder, a seminarian between October 1863 and July 1867, kept a diary over
the course of his studies, which is an excellent source for the everyday life of young seminarians. The
diary, including a typewritten transcription prepared by Matthias Zinnöcker, can be found under, DAL
Pers A/2, Fasz. H36, Sch. 25. In citations to the diary, I give the date of the entry followed by the page
number from the Zinnöcker transcription. On Hanrieder in general, see: Franz Höfler, "Norbert
Hanrieder (1842-1913). Mundartdichter und Seelsorger," in Oberösterreicher, ed. Harry Slapnicka and
 66

Figure 8: Alumnen by Place of Birth, 1835-1907120

Just as interesting as the question of how the vision from above affected

enrollment from below is an inquiry into the social origin of the Alumnen. Although

the profession of the parents is not listed in the statistics, the place of birth was.

Evidence in recent literature points to the increasing ruralization of the priesthood in

the nineteenth century, meaning that over the course of the century, an increasing

number of new priests came from rural rather than urban, and lower class rather than

middle or upper class, backgrounds.121 Within Upper Austria, a predominantly rural

Gerhart Marckhgott, (Linz, 1994); Matthias Zinnöcker, "Die religiöse und geistige Entwicklung Norbert
Hanrieders nach seinen Aufzeichnungen im Tagebuch aus dem Priesterseminar in Linz (1863-1867)"
(M.A. Thesis, Theologische Hochschule Linz, 1997).
120
Source: Rettenbacher, Priesterseminar.
121
Bowman, Priest and Parish, pp. 75-92; Irmtraud Götz von Olenhusen, "Die Ultramontisierung
des Klerus. Das Beispiel der Erzdiözese Freiburg," in Deutscher Katholizismus im Umbruch zur
 67

province, this should indeed not come as a surprise. In any given year, the

overwhelming majority of the Alumnen came from rural areas and non-industrial

smaller towns, though there does seem to be a general declining trend among the

Alumnen from urban areas, especially when one factors in the dramatic redistribution

of population that occurred in favor of urban areas during the last third of the century

(see Figure 8).

Table 6: Alumnen at the Collegium Germanicum, Profession of the Fathers, 1820-

1900122

1820s 1830s 1840s 1850s 1860s 1870s 1880s 1890s

Pub. Official 9 7 14 21 14 24 21 25
Industrialist 1 1 1
Worker 1 4 2 4
Merchant 3 3 2 8 8 13 10 16
Artisan 7 3 7 17 15 23 24 16
Innkeeper 4 3 2 4 3
Agriculture 3 3 17 27 29 45 34 27
No Data 35 32 42 35 26 27 22 40

Where a significant shift in emphasis did make itself felt was within the higher

clergy. In contrast to their predecessors, Rudigier, Müller and Doppelbauer — the

collective bishops of Linz from 1853 to 1908 — all came from rural, lower-middle

class backgrounds: Rudigier’s parents were smallholders in Vorarlberg, Müller’s

teachers in Moravia, and Doppelbauer — the first Bishop of Linz born in Upper

Austria — had innkeepers as parents. This, too, is supported by evidence elsewhere. A

Moderne, ed. Wilfried Loth, (Stuttgart, 1991); Irmtraud Götz von Olenhusen, Klerus und abweichendes
Verhalten: zur Sozialgeschichte katholischer Priester im 19. Jahrhundert, (Göttingen, 1994), pp. 135-
137.
122
Source: Peter Schmidt, Das Collegium Germanicum in Rom und die Germaniker. Zur Funktion
eines römischen Ausländerseminars (1552-1914), (Tübingen, 1984), p. 87.
 68

study by Peter Schmidt of the students at the elite Collegium Germanicum in Rome,

which Doppelbauer attended as a student and where he later served as a director

before becoming bishop in Linz, shows that from the 1840s onward, the number of

rural Alumnen there increased dramatically.

After Seminary

After being ordained, a young priest would spend his first years as a Kooperator

— an assistant priest — in several different parishes. If all went well and a position

opened up, the priest, usually after four or five years, would then be entrusted with a

small parish of his own. Remaining in that parish until retirement was not uncommon,

though many priests tended to transfer every decade or so in the hope of getting a

‘better’ parish: one with a better endowment, more friendly parishioners, or closer to

home – i.e., the town or village where the priest came from.

The remaining Alumnen can broadly be placed in two categories: those destined

for higher office and the “troublemakers.” To begin with the former: the very talented

(1-2 priests a year) were given the opportunity to go to Vienna to complete their

studies at the Weltpriester-Bildungsinstitut St. Augustin, the so-called Frintaneum, a

state-sponsored institute of higher learning founded as a Josephinist alternative to

studying in Rome. Rudigier, for example, attended in the 1840s after completing his

studies at the seminary in Innsbruck. Even in the early 1840s, however, the student

body tended to be more conservative and Ultramontane than Josephinist.123 After the

123
The Frintaneum, a theological college, was established by the Austrian government in 1816 to
ensure that gifted priests would remain in the Monarchy to take a doctorate rather than go to Rome,
 69

signing of the Concordat in 1855, another road also stood open to an elite few: the

Collegium Germanicum in Rome.124 Here only the brightest and most ardently

Ultramontane could venture, the criteria for entry being not only an Alumnat’s

intelligence and enthusiasm, but also the willingness of his bishop to recommend him

for the post. As Table 7 shows, the largest number of the candidates came from two of

the most Ultramontane and conservative dioceses in the Monarchy: Rudigier’s Linz

and the just as conservative Bishop Vinzenz Gasser’s diocese in Brixen.125 Upon their

return, these priests inevitably rose quickly in the ranks of the diocese administration

and played a not unimportant role in fostering close ties between intellectual currents

in Rome and those within the diocese at home.

where it was feared they would come under the direct influence of the Vatican. On the Frintaneum, see,
Bowman, Priest and Parish, pp. 104-105; Konrad Meindl, Leben und Wirken des Bischofes Franz
Joseph Rudigier von Linz, 2 vols., (Linz, 1891), vol. I, p. 137 ff.
124
The Collegium Germanicum had remained off limits to priests from Habsburg-ruled lands since
1781, a legacy of Josephinism. Josef Weißensteiner, "Die Jahre in Wien," in Bischof Franz Joseph
Rudigier und seine Zeit, ed. Rudolf Zinnhobler, et al., (Linz, 1987), pp. 30-31.
125
On the triptych of conservative bishops — Rudigier, Gasser and Joseph Feßler (St. Pölten) that
emerged in the 1850s, see: Mayer, katholische Grossmacht. Why Feigerle and then Feßler in St. Pölten
did not begin seinding ‚their’ seminarians to Rome in the 1860s is unclear. On Upper Austria, see, for
example, Rudolf Zinnhobler, "Die Briefe des Linzer Kirchenhistorikers Mathias Hiptmair nach Rom
(1872-1909)," Neues Archiv für die Geschichte der Diözese Linz 13 (1999/2000).
 70

Table 7: Austrians at the Collegium Germanicum, 1859-1913126

Linz St. Pölten Vienna Brünn Prague Brixen

(Brno)
1859 1 1 2
1860s 3 5
1870s 3 2 3
1880s 4 3 4 5
1890s 3 3 1 2 2
1900s 2 3 2 4 5
to 1914 1 2 2

The latter — priests with disciplinary problems, i.e., the ‘troublemakers’ — are

a category in their own right. Once ordained, priests held their office for life and

banishing them from the priesthood, which usually included an excommunication

from the Church, occurred only in the rarest instances. Thus, in order to exert

discipline, the diocese administration tended to resort to other measures. As already

stated above, the most common disciplinary measure was shifting priests around: there

were financially well-endowed and badly-endowed parishes,127 barren parishes with

unruly parishioners and scenic ones with an obedient ’flock’; and, most importantly,

early in their careers while serving as a Kooperator, there could be kinder and more

difficult priests to work for as assistants. Finally, if all else failed, there was also the

diocese-internal correctional facility, the Priesterhaus Mitterberg, which functioned as

a correctional and disciplinary facility of last resort. Between its founding in 1838 and

the start of the First World War in 1914, it housed a total of 180 priests, usually

126
Source: Schmidt, Collegium Germanicum, p. 193.
127
While most parishes in Upper Austria were financed through the state Religionsfond, a large
number received support through patronage or a small endowment. A good overview of parish finances
can be found in, Bowman, Priest and Parish, pp. 139-176.
 71

between two and five at a time, and the most common offenses tended to involve

alcoholism, debt or the suspicion of an sexual affair. The length of stay was usually

from three to six months, though it some cases it ranged up to several years. While

there, priests underwent a strict regiment of fasting, confession, solitary “reflection,”

and “Exercitien” — a mix of moral lectures, readings and essays. 128

Priest and Parishioner

One of the most important preconditions for a politically active and

ideologically cohesive priesthood is a means of communication, a network through

which ideas and ideology can be disseminated and internalized. This next section will

move from the priest to the parish and diocese as a whole, examining networks built

up within the priesthood, and by priests in cooperation with lay Catholics. Here it is

best to differentiate between internal and external networks: The former consist of

publications, meetings and conferences intended for the most part exclusively for

priests. The “external” networks consist of daily newspapers and associations intended

to more closely connect together lay Catholics with their Church.

128
The Bischöfliches Consistorium received regular reports on each priest and decisions on a
priest’s length of stay were made centrally in Linz and not in Mitterberg. While some priests horribly
disliked the facility, requesting their release within a few weeks of arrival, others seemed to bear the
confinement rather amicably. There also existed a cadre of about five or six priests who became
habitual guests, almost all alcoholics whose brief respites from Mitterberg were followed by predictable
patterns of abuse leading to renewed confinement. On Mitterberg, see, DAL CA/3, Fasz 1 / 7, Sch. 23,
24, and 25; DAL CA / 8 Fasz. M/32 Sch. 138; DAL CA/9 Fasz. 1/8 Sch. 5; BA (Rudigier Archiv), Sch.
5; and, OöLA StPr XI N Sch. 431.
 72

Internal Networks: the Clergy

In the parish, the secular clergy was removed from the ‘comforting’ discipline of

the diocese seminary, a state of affairs that tended to worry bishops. As Nikolaus von

Weis, bishop of Speyr, wrote in 1865,

The secular clergy from time to time need religious commitment

and institutional discipline not less but even more that the people
so that they do not become secularized by their constant contact
with the world.129

Apart from the day-to-day correspondence with the diocese administration in Linz, the

second half of the nineteenth century saw the emergence of two periodicals and a set

of regular meetings and conferences meant for the clergy alone. The first periodical

was the Theologisch-Praktische Quartalschrift, whose emergence can be traced back

to an initiative by the professors of the Linz seminary in 1848. Still in existence today,

at its high point in the 1890s the periodical had over 10,000 subscribers throughout

German-speaking central Europe.130 Like other Catholic publications, the

Theologisch-Praktische Quartalschrift tended to vary the extent and intensity of its

political content depending on the climate — very political in 1848; less so in the

1850s, though it saw a marked increase in anti-Protestantism in that decade;

increasingly political again in the 1860s and 70s; anti-Semitic in the 1880s; and with

129
Nikolaus von Weiss, Bishop of Speyr, to Ludwig II, King of Bavaria, 3 March 1865. Cited in,
Gross, War Against Catholicism, p. 50.
130
Circulation declined after the turn of the century when Rome decreed that income generated
from the collection box at mass could no longer be used for magazine subscriptions. Lehner, Caritas, p.
61.
 73

shifting (and often conflicting) Christian Social leanings in the 1890s. The editorial

offices remained und control of the professors of the Linz seminary until the late

1880s, when Bishop Doppelbauer began to assert greater control in order to combat

what he saw as the periodical’s increasingly Christian Social and anti-Semitic

tendencies.131 Yet while its reach extended far beyond the confines of Upper Austria,

the periodical’s content was very much grounded in the diocese first, the Monarchy

second, and the rest of Europe third. At the center of the periodical’s focus stood the

everyday life of the parish priest. Articles covered any range of theoretical and

practical issues: practical applications of moral theology, new ideas in pastoral

theology, articles on the social question, economics (from a thoroughly Christian

Social perspective), legal advice on new laws, book reviews, and a regular ‘current

events’ column entitled Kirchliche Zeitläufe, which served as a running clerical

commentary on the political events of the day.132

The most important publication in terms of contact between the hierarchy and

the clergy specifically in Upper Austria was the Linzer Diözesanblatt. Founded by

Bishop Rudigier in 1855,133 the Diözesanblatt served a wide array of purposes: It was

first and foremost the official internal organ of the diocese and contained new diocese

regulations as well as state laws pertaining to the office of the priest or the Catholic

131
On the conflict between Doppelbauer and the editorial offices of the Theologisch-Praktische
Quartalschrift, see below, p. 314.
132
On the Theologisch-Praktische Quartalschrift, see: Lehner, Caritas, p. 61; Rudolf Zinnhobler,
"150 Jahre Theologisch-Praktische Quartalschrift," Neues Archiv für die Geschichte der Diözese Linz
12 (1998/1999).
133
A number of Austrian Diözesanblätter were founded in the 1850s and 60s. Brixen’s in 1857,
for example, and Vienna’s in 1863.
 74

Church. A short and occasionally polemical essay clarifying the Church’s position

usually accompanied new state laws and decrees. There were also regular

contributions by the bishop and top diocese officials on any number of items: the

Dombau, for example, was covered extensively as was the chronic shortage of priests;

calls for charity collections were made here, determining which of myriad causes

would be highlighted for the collection box on any given weekend; and the questions

to be discussed at the biannual Pastoralkonferenz were also printed here. Just as

important were the obituaries, since a death generally also meant an opening in a

parish.134

In addition to these two periodicals, a series of local conferences and meetings

emerged, each bringing together a specific set of priests to discuss a pre-defined set of

issues. The smallest of these meetings consisted of the so-called Pastoralkonferenzen,

held biannually in each Dekanat beginning in 1869; the largest was the all-German or,

after 1867, all-Austrian Katholikentag, which consisted of thousands of priests and

Catholic laymen (and lay-women, though they sat in a separate balcony) from

German-speaking Europe and, later, from Cisleithania. The Pastoralkonferenzen

began their life as small, usually clandestine meetings in Linz centered around a group

of professors from the seminary to discuss theological issues — clandestine because

they began in 1846 at a time when Austrian law did not permit such gatherings and it

is unclear whether Bishop Ziegler was even aware of their existence at the start. In

1848, the Pastoralkonferenzen quickly exploded into larger, more official gatherings

134
My thanks to Dr. Johannes Ebner of the Diözesanarchiv Linz for pointing this out to me.
 75

that seem to have been quite popular, though Alumnen were at first excluded.135 The

gatherings were generally loose and open affairs in which any number of theological

topics could be addressed, ranging from discussions of the Roman Catechism to

freewheeling debates on “gibt es eine Natur-Religion?” On occasion, one of the

attendees would give a short paper, but usually the meetings consisted of the reading

of a short text followed by a group discussion. It was on the initiative of these early

Pastoralkonferenzen that the Theologisch-Praktische Quartalschrift was founded. The

meetings continued until 4 July 1853, or until about a month after Rudigier’s arrival in

Linz, leading one to suspect that either their style or content did not suit the new

bishop and in the following years, their spirit lived on only in the editorial offices and

meetings of the Theologisch-Praktische Quartalschrift, which, in 1863, even

published an article asking for their reinstatement, albeit without effect.136

In 1868, following the rise of liberal politics and the need to ‘rally the troops,’

so to speak, the Pastoralkonferenzen suddenly found favor in the diocese’s highest

office and Rudigier reinstated the tradition. However, the contrast with their

predecessors could not be starker: Instead of regular meetings of a core group of

participants (the original members met weekly or bi-weekly during the semester),

Pastoralkonferenzen were now held twice a year in every Dekanat in the diocese.

Instead of a freewheeling discussion on a wide variety of theological issues, two

guiding questions were now published in the Linzer Diözesanblatt in advance and

135
The notes and speeches on the early Pastoralkonferenzen, as well as a letter by the fourth-year
students protesting their exclusion can be found in, DAL CA/3 Fasz. 1/11, Sch. 36.
136
"Gedanken über Pastoral-Konferenzen," Theologisch-Praktische Quartalschrift 16 (1863).
 76

each participant was required to prepare a short paper on the topic. This was to be

followed by a general discussion that included all participants. Attendance was

mandatory, notes from each conference, including attendance lists, were then sent to

the Bischöfliches Ordinariat, which often commented on the proceedings in detailed

replies that were returned to the Dekan. On occasion, the most ‘fitting’ papers were

published in the Theologisch-Praktische Quartalschrift, which also provided short

synopses of the Pastoralkonferenzen.137 From the 1890s onward, the whole process

began to take on quasi-industrial dimensions, as papers were now often sent to

external reviewers, who would make recommendations to the diocese administration

on their quality.138 In summary, instead of an initiative from below, the

Pastoralkonferenzen were reborn in 1868 as a means of firmly instilling ideology from

above; but this is not to say that the process met with resistance among the clergy. The

Pastoralkonferenzen were settings in which priests could learn and practice that

ideology on the way to becoming a new body politic. They set both the tone and the

topic for discussion among the clergy and provided the Bischöfliches Ordinariat the

137
See, for example, D., "Die weltliche Herrschaft des Papstes. Ein Pastoral-Conferenz-Vortrag,"
Theologisch-Praktische Quartalschrift 24 (1871); R., "Gregor VII. und Pius IX. Eine beantwortete
Pastoral-Conferenz Frage," Theologisch-Praktische Quartalschrift 26 (1873); Josef Reiter, "Eine
zeitgemäße Pastoral-Conferenz-Arbeit," Theologisch-Praktische Quartalschrift 24 (1871); Josef
Sprinzl, "Die erste Pastoral-Konferenz des Jahres 1869," Theologisch-Praktische Quartalschrift 23
(1870); Josef Sprinzl, "Die Pastoral-Konferenzen im Jahre 1868," Theologisch-Praktische
Quartalschrift 22 (1869).
138
“Die Lösungen der vorgelegten Fragen sind eingehend und vollkommen befriedigend,“ wrote
the Bischöfliches Ordinariat to the Dekanat Steyr in a letter from 16 April 1891, acknowledging receipt
of the conference notes and papers, and even suggesting a book for further reading. Correspondence
from 1909 shows that in that year papers were sent to an “external grader” who commented on their
form and content. Josef Fierer to BO, 8 March 1910. Correspondents, notes, papers, and other materials
relating to the later Pastoralkonferenzen can be found in, DAL CA/7 Sch. 12, Fasz. I / 11a.
 77

opportunity to ascertain that each priest was well versed in the most important issues

of the day.

On the next level came a series of more irregular meetings at various levels of

the hierarchy. The various Dekane, the heads of the twenty-eight Dekanate in the

diocese, met with Rudigier in Linz at irregular intervals — every one to two years —,

a practice Rudigier began in 1855 to announce his plans for a Maria-Empfängnis Dom

and to emphasize his position on the role of the Church in a modern polity. No direct

records of these meetings remain. Also, the Austrian bishops themselves met at

irregular intervals, beginning with the first Bischofskonferenz, hastily organized in

1849, which sought to press the young monarch Francis Joseph and his government

into making larger concessions to the Church and to begin negotiations on a

Concordat. In time, the Bischofskonferenz became one of the central institutions within

the Monarchy for both coordinating strategies between the bishops and their dioceses,

and for lobbying the state for more Church rights.139

Finally, the largest organizational unit for Catholics in central Europe was the

Katholikentag. Begun in 1848 as the annual meeting of all Catholic associations in

Germany, the meetings convened thousands of Catholics in one city and tried to cover

all major questions and themes of the day, from nationalism to the social question and

from the importance of a good press to the fine arts. In many respects, the

Katholikentage were the bigger brothers of the Pastoralkonferenzen: there were panels

139
On the development of the Austrian Bischofskonferenzen, see the essays in, Sekretariat der
Österreichischen Bischofskonferenz, 150 jahre Österreichische Bischofskonferenz, 1849-1999, (Vienna,
1999).
 78

on the major questions and problems of the day in which speakers presented papers

followed by a discussion. They served to give the Austrian clergy an important sense

of cohesion into the larger clerical milieu throughout Austria and central Europe.140

Until 1866 the conferences were held throughout German-speaking central Europe;

after 1866, the German section broke off on its own, continuing the annual cycle,

while the Austrian section proceeded into a series of false starts before the first all-

Austro-Hungarian Katholikentag was organized for 1877 in Vienna.

The diocese of Linz was intimately acquainted with both types of

Katholikentage — all-German and Austro-Hungarian. The diocese held its first

internal Landeskatholikentag in 1849 and the fourth all-German Katholikentag in 1850

took place in Linz. The city then went on to host another all-German Katholikentag in

1856 and Austro-Hungarian Katholikentage in 1892 and 1913. But the Katholikentag

differed from the Pastoralkonferenzen in that their topics and presentations could not

be so easily manipulated from above. Indeed, Katholikentage tended to put the

tensions between the lower and upper clergy on display, which partly goes to explains

the long delay from the last all-German Katholikentag in 1866 and the first Austro-

Hungarian Katholikentag in 1877, and then again from 1877 until a second

140
My use of the term “mileu” is loosely based on the work of M. Rainer Lepsius and many of the
other works cited on p. 18, above. The general contours of Lepsius’ theory – of “Soziale Einheiten, die
durch eine Koinzidenz mehrerer Strukturdimensionen wie Religion, regionale Tradition, wirtschaftliche
Lage, kulturelle Orientierung, schichtspezifische Zusammensetzung der intimediären Gruppen gebildet
werden” – certainly can apply to the Austrian case, but any more particular use of the theory tends to
break down in the Austrian context. M. Rainer Lepsius, "Parteiensystem und Sozialstruktur: zum
Problem der Demokratisierung der deutschen Gesellschaft," in Deutsche Parteien vor 1918, ed. Gerhard
A. Ritter, (Cologne, 1973). For the use of Lepsius’ “milieu” theory in an Austrian context, see, for
example, William D. Bowman, "Religious Associations and the Formation of Political Catholicism in
Vienna, 1848 to the 1870's," Austrian History Yearbook 27 (1996); Rupert Klieber, Politischer
Katholizismus in der Provinz. Salzburgs Christlichsoziale in der Parteienlandschaft Alt-Österreichs,
(Vienna, 1994).
 79

Katholikentag was held in 1889. (These Katholikentage were only ostensibly Austro-

Hungarian – they took place in Cisleithanian cities and the working language was

German.) In 1849, for example, Ignaz von Döllinger, already one of the more famous

Catholic thinkers around, attended with his pupil, Lord Acton, to give a rousing

speech on the Catholic Church, the German nation and the idea of freedom, which did

not sit well with many of the conference organizers.141

This web of publications and events served to create a common pool of

knowledge, a common language and code of behavior, and a common way to think

about issues of the day. The Linzer Diözesanblatt might carry an article explaining

how priests were to approach a new government law. The Theologisch-Praktische

Quartalschrift would then add a number of longer theoretical articles around the same

subject, which would, on occasion, also be published as a pamphlet by the

Katholischer Preßverein.142 Then, the articles could become the topic of a

Pastoralkonferenz and would certainly serve as the basis for many Sunday sermons

throughout the diocese. If the issue prompted liberal retaliation or represented a

141
Friedrich, Döllinger, pp. 76-83. On the Landeskatholikentag and Katholikkentag in Linz, see,
Bericht über den III. allgemeinen österreichischen Katholikentag in Linz vom 8. bis inclusive 11 August
1892, (Wels, 1892); Johann Boxhofer, "Katholikentage in der Diözese Linz von 1900-1918"
(Seminararbeit, Theologische Hochschule Linz, 1965); Celerin, "österreichische Katholikentage"; E.
Filthaut, Deutsche Katholikentage 1848-1958 und Soziale Frage, (Essen, 1960); Urlich von Hehl and
Friedrich Kronenberg, eds., Zeitzeichen. 150 Jahre Deutsche Katholikentage 1848-1998, (Paderborn,
1999); Heinz Hürten, "Katholikentage im Wandel der Zeit," in Zeitzeichen. 150 Jahre Deutsche
Katholikentage 1848-1998, ed. Urlich von Hehl and Friedrich Kronenberg, (Paderborn, 1999); Johann
Marböck, "Der 8. Allgemeine Österreichisch-Deutsche Katholikentag Linz, 1856 (23.-26. September)"
(Seminararbeit, Theologische Hochschule Linz, 1956); Friedrich Pesendorfer, ed., Der Katholikentag
der Deutschen Österreichs vom 15. - 17. August 1913 in Linz a.D., (Linz, 1913); Verhandlungen der
achten Generalversammlung des katholischen Vereins Deutschlands am 23., 24. und 25. September
1856 zu Linz. (Amtlicher Bericht), (Linz, 1857).
142
On the Preßverein, see below, p. 84.
 80

general assault on the liberal state, the regional Catholic papers — from the Linzer

Volksblatt to the local papers in Wels, Steyr, and other cities — would also follow

with articles on the matter, most of them written by priests. The largest issues would

then make their way to the Katholikentag. Together these publications thus created a

web — of common knowledge, of language use, of authors, publishers and readers —

which bound together the priesthood in Upper Austria.

External Networks: Priests and the Lay Catholic

The formation of the interweaving networks that then bound the priests and their

parishioners together into a dense clerical milieu also required an intensive and

controlled network between the clergy and the laity. Such an “external” network was

comprised above all of two elements: associations and the popular press. Missionary

activity, a mainstay of the “Catholic revival” in other German states in the 1850s and

60s, was more sporadic in the Habsburg Monarchy and, at least in Upper Austria, did

not play a major role in the diocese.143 The bond between clergy and laity — the

everyday praxis of the clerical milieu — played out in associations. For liberals in

Upper Austria, these forms of collective action had already begun to play a role before

1848. Especially important were the ostensibly apolitical musical associations, like the

Linzer Musikverein and the Liedertafel “Frohsinn” in Linz. Such choral groups are

143
On Missions in the northern German states before 1871, see, Gross, War Against Catholicism,
chpt. 1; Sperber, Popular Catholicism, pp. 56-63. Missions were not unheard of in Upper Austria, but
took place much more sporadically then in the Prussian and north German provinces covered in Gross’
book, though they were treated by the authorities in a similar manner. Documents on the missions can
be found in, OöLA StPr 11 C, Sch. 423. Also see the pamphlets by the rebellious Roman Catholic and
later Old Catholic priest, Alois Anton, Ein Wort über die Wallfahrten, (Linz, 1872); Alois Anton, Ein
Wort über Jesuiten-Missionen, (Linz, 1871).
 81

best understood as a type of permanent liberal sideshow, especially in the 1850s, when

overt forms of political organization were banned.144 Like a very different association,

the Verein gegen Tierquälerei, also founded in the 1850s, these associations found a

steady influx of members and were repeatedly suspected of political activities by the

state145 and thus should be seen as continual symbols of a liberal presence in the city

from the late 1830s through the 1850s.

For conservative Catholics, however, there was little associational activity

before 1848. Following the events of that year, a series of local Katholikenvereine

sprang up in various cities in the fall of 1848, first in Linz and then in Kremsmünster,

Steyr, Wels, Ried and a host of other cities. By mid-1849, the Linz Katholikenverein

had become a Zentralkatholikenverein for Upper Austria — a mother organization for

the different branches in towns throughout the province — and soon ran into trouble

with the authorities. The local Katholikenvereine were expressly political in their goals

and thus had to fold under the new 1849 laws barring political associations.

Subsequently, the Verein had to undergo two appeal processes and change a number

144
The political aspect and often progressive liberal self-conception evident in choral societes in
the 1840s and 50s remains a neglected area of research among historians and musicologists. My thanks
to Ryan Minor for bringing these articles to my attention. John Butt, "Choral Culture and the
Regeneration of the Organ," in The Cambridge History of Nineteenth-Century Music, ed. Jim Samson,
(Cambridge, 2001); David Gramit, Cultivating Music: the Aspirations, Interests, and Limits of German
Musical Culture, 1770-1848, (Berkeley, 2002).
145
Both the Musikverein and the Verein gegen Tierquälerei had 800 members in Linz alone in
1852. The Liedertafel ‚Frohsinn,’ a choir, had eighty. Other towns had similar associations and came
under similar suspicions — the Gesangverein in Braunau, especially, was repeatedly suspected of
political activity. Kirchmayr, "Oberösterreich," p. 231, 247-250.
 82

of paragraphs in its statutes before the Ministry of the Interior finally re-classified it as

non-political in March of 1850.146

A look at the founding members and the original statutes of the

Katholikenverein demonstrates how much liberalism and religion could still overlap in

and around 1848. Among the founding members we find, most prominently, Ulrich

Ritter von Laveran, a leader of the liberal Nationalgarde, Franz Xaver Vogler, a

member of the first liberal Gemeinderat of Linz, as well as a number of other

prominent liberals. Furthermore, the founding statutes decreed that the purpose of the

association was, “die Förderung des Sinnes für staatsbürgerliche Freiheit,

insbesondere die Wahrung der rechte der katholischen Kirche auf gesetzlichen Wege,“

thus as yet far removed from a strict Ultramontane conception of Catholic Church and

society.147 Clerical anti-Josephinism thus freely mingled with liberal patriotism at a

time when liberals were determining the discourse of politics. The Katholikenverein,

restricted to men, was followed in 1849 by the Katholischer Frauenverein and also

developed a large membership; in 1850 the process of founding associations reached

its peak: the Bonifatiusverein, the Standes- und Tugendbündnisse, the Kindheit-Jesu-

Verein, the Marienverein and the katholischer Arbeiterhilfsverein für Männer und

Frauen all sprang to life in that year. A Gesellenverein followed in 1852 and a

146
Johann Hörmadinger, "Der Katholikenverein in der Diözese Linz," Neues Archiv für die
Geschichte der Diözese Linz (1982): pp. 132-135. The government remained relatively forthcoming to
Catholic associations in the early 1850s. Waltraud Heindl, ed., Die Protokolle des Österreichischen
Ministerrates. III. Abteilung. Das Ministerium Buol-Schauenstein, vol. 1: 14. April 1852 - 13. März
1853, (Vienna, 1975), p. 195 ff.
147
Harry Slapnicka, Christlichsoziale in Oberösterreich: vom Katholikenverein 1848 bis zum Ende
der Christlichsozialen 1934, (Linz, 1984), ppp. 9-11.
 83

Diözesankunstverein in 1859. Membership levels in these new associations were high.

The Zentralverein had 3,325 members and the Bonifaciusverein 3,000. All in all, the

various associations could already boast over 10,000 members in 1853. By contrast,

the largest liberal association, the Verein gegen Tierquälerei, had 800 members.148

The success of Catholic associations in Upper Austrian — seen both inside and

outside the province — is also demonstrated by the fact that, as stated above, two all-

German Katholikentage were held in Linz in the 1850s.

These early foundations of Catholic associational life are all too easily forgotten

when historians speak of the birth of political Catholicism at the end of the 1860s.

Although a step removed from the heyday of political associational Catholicism — the

stringent clerical milieu that formed the Katholischer Volksverein after Rudigier’s trial

in 1869 —, these early efforts created a functioning network between priests and

parishioners, creating a necessary base and willing clientele for politicization. Helga

Embacher has argued that, “the revolutionary events [of 1848] helped the lay Catholic

movements find a certain degree of emancipation within the Catholic Church.”149 I

would turn this argument around: the example of associational life as created by

liberals in the 1830s and 40s, and tested successfully in the wake of 1848, helped the

Church find a vehicle for creating a clerical milieu apart from the state and apart from

other forms of formal organization, a vehicle that became increasingly important in the

political 1860s and 70s.

148
Kirchmayr, "Oberösterreich,” p. 231.
149
Embacher, "Vereinswesen," p. 53.
 84

The second form of these “external networks,” the Catholic press, also sprang to

life after 1848 and, in Upper Austria, quickly emerged as one of the most dominant

regional presses in the Monarchy.150 The first major periodical, founded in the

summer of 1848, was the Katholische Blätter, initially called Volksblatt für Religion

und Gesetz, which became the central organ of the Katholischer Volksverein whose

members received a copy each week. And from the beginning the Katholische Blätter

concerned itself with politics. During the 1850s, when political publications were

banned and censorship remained rigorous it, like other publications, had to reign in its

commentary, though certainly traces of the political remained.151 In the more open

1860s, it quickly reemerged as the central organ for an — as yet ideologically

unstructured except in its anti-liberalism — political Catholicism in Upper Austria,

and moved to a biweekly format.152

It was the founding of the daily Linzer Volksblatt für Stadt und Land in late

1868 — the first issue appeared 2 January 1869 — that marked a true turning point for

the Catholic press in Upper Austria. After 1869, the Katholische Blätter retreated to

predominantly “cultural” fare while the Linzer Volksblatt became the focal point for

Catholic political activism in Upper Austria. The newspaper thrived in its role as the

central organ of Catholic public life, and a number of trials, scandals and conflicts

during its initial years certainly helped the paper along. More than any other Catholic

150
In the 1860s and 70s, only Vienna had a more active Catholic-conservative press with 5
newspapers. Felix Kern, Oberösterreichischer Landesverlag, (Ried im Innkreis, 1951), pp. 52-53.
151
Throughout the 1850s, commentary in the paper was often violently anti-Protestant.
152
For an overview of the press in Linz and Upper Austria in the nineteenth century, see, Nora
Ruprecht, "Buchdruck- und Zeitungsgeschichte der Stadt Linz. Von Ihren Anfängen bis zur
Gegenwart." (Ph.D. Dissertation, Leopold-Franzens Universität Innsbruck, 1953).
 85

paper, the Linzer Volksblatt reveled in its political activity; its editors made regular

court appearances and suffered only slightly less regular convictions and jail times.153

Such occurrences were then sold to the readership as examples of the hypocrisy of the

liberal public system — liberal papers always seemed to get away with far more

outrageous slanders! — and were then placed within the context of the fight for the

freedom of the Church within the liberal system.154

With the founding of the katholischer Pressverein in 1870 the clerical milieu

created a platform for creating thematically and regionally varied publications to

appeal to a larger and more varied readership. With the Pressverein, the Catholic

Church especially began a successful foray into local publishing, founding newspapers

in Ried (already in 1865), Wels, Steyr, Braunau, and Gmunden.155 By 1907 the

Pressverein published a total of twelve newspapers and nine periodicals with a

combined circulation of 178,250.156 The Pressverein also became the nerve center of

clerical activities outside of the world of periodicals. Publications ranged from

devotional literature and pamphlets to calendars, religious guides, books, and other

irregular publications. Though in memoirs and official histories, the writers always

seem keen to point out that the Pressverein was a poor organization, scraping by on

153
Michael Dörr, the paper’s initial editor, was first tried and convicted in December 1869. One to
two arrests a year for the editor was not at all uncommon throughout the 1870s. Kern,
Oberösterreichischer Landesverlag, p. 64 ff; Ruprecht, "Buchdruck- und Zeitungsgeschichte,” pp. 259-
260.
154
Even when the day’s run of a liberal paper was confiscated by the state, the editors of Linz’s
liberal paper, the Tages-Post, were rarely convicted in court.
155
Pressebureau des Piusvereines, Die Katholische Presse Österreich-Ungarns, (Vienna, 1907), p.
12.
156
See figures for Upper Austria in Piusvereines, Die Katholische Presse Österreich-Ungarns, pp.
12-15.
 86

the good will of the authors and the printing press, the sheer quantity and diversity of

its output tends to put such statements into doubt.157

Through a more consistent and regulated system of education and this intricate

network of press and associations, the Catholic Church was able to nurture a

priesthood that was able to articulate a common message and defend the Church in a

coherent and consistent manner from the pulpit and in public. Furthermore, it was also

able to bind to this new ideology a large sub-stratum of the population – a clerical

milieu – that increasingly looked to the Church for political, social, moral, and

economic guidance.

157
For a model study of the finances and activities of a Catholic publishing house in the nineteenth
century, see, R. Howard Bloch, God's Plagiarist: Being an Account of the Fabulous Industry and
Irregular Commerce of the Abbé Migne, (Chicago, 1994). The official history of the Pressverein in
Upper Austria is not quite as revealing; a thorough study would be a welcome addition to the
historiography. Kern, Oberösterreichischer Landesverlag.
 87

Section Two: Catholicism and Liberalism, 1848-1880

Newly founded Catholic periodicals, pastoral conferences, a popular Catholic

press and a dense web of associations must nevertheless spring from some need –

some ideological or political desire to significantly alter the status quo. The following

section will focus on this desire for change by examining three arenas of liberal-

Catholic conflict: It will begin in the often overlooked 1850s, exploring the range of

Catholic-liberal conflict that began to develop in those years. In Upper Austria, we see

a marked turn toward a new conception of Catholicism and church-state relations in

this decade through the arrival of Franz Josef Rudigier as bishop in 1853. By

examining two of the initial conflicts he and the liberal community became enveloped

in, we can examine how he began to develop his philosophical principles and

rhetorical devices – his conception of a Catholic Church that must exist wholly apart

from the state while nevertheless performing important social (the state would counter:

civil!) functions.

The section then continues with two chapters that explore exclusion on each side

– of Catholics from the ‘liberal’ state, and then of liberals from the Catholic Church.

The first of these chapters examines how the liberal state and the liberal press

systematically sought to exclude the Catholic Church from participating in the public

sphere. It begins with two sensationalist trials – of Bishop Rudigier in 1869 and of the

Carmelite Monk Gabriel Gady in 1872 – and then continues with a number of
 88

subsequent smaller trials of priests. The third chapter in this section, Chapter Five, will

then explore the issue of exclusion from the other side, focusing on the splinter group

of liberal Catholics who refused to assent to papal infallibility and their systematic

exclusion from the Roman Catholic Church. Here the issue is thus the systematic

exclusion of liberals and liberal principles from the ideological restructuring of the

Catholic Church after infallibility.

 89

Chapter Three. Liberal-Catholic Conflict during Neoabsolutism

On 8 March 1849, Upper Austria’s first liberal governor, Alois Fischer, stood on

the balcony of the Rathaus in Linz’s market square to proclaim the closing of the

democratically elected Austrian Reichstag in Kremsier, marking the end of that body’s

efforts at creating a constitution for the Monarchy. As the newly crowned emperor,

Francis Joseph, wrote in the proclamation that Fischer now read to the crowd, the

delegates had taken too long in their deliberations, wasting time on “dangerous

theoretical discussions;” their labors had become redundant and the emperor would

decree his own constitution. After reciting the imperial proclamation, Fischer retired to

the side and let his assistant read out the document. Named after its principal architect,

Minister of the Interior Franz Stadion, the new constitution was mildly liberal,

although, unlike its unfinished predecessor, it was wholly unambiguous when it came

to the monarch: his powers were immense and — the document made sure to point out

— derived from God, not from the people.158 In practice, the constitution was mostly

ignored.159 Fittingly perhaps, those assembled in front of the Rathaus that day could

barely make out what was being said. As one participant described the scene, the was

158
“All sovereignty proceeds from the people,” the delegates in Kremsier had initially declared,
whereupon Stadion rose to declare the dictum unacceptable to the government. C. A. Macartney, The
Habsburg Empire, 1790-1918, (New York, 1969), p. 417.
159
The proclamation was dated 4 March 1849. On both constitutions, see, Macartney, Habsburg
Empire, pp. 417-425.
 90

wind so strong, “daß der einen vor Staub den Nachbarn nicht sehen ließ.”160 The

return of absolutist government thus came to Linz unintelligibly, wrapped in a dense

cloud of dust.

The long decade that began with the defeat of the revolutions in 1849 and ended

with the return to a quasi-constitutional monarchy in 1861 is commonly referred to as

the era of neoabsolutism. Although often thought of as reactionary, the decade should

in no way be seen as an attempt by the state to return to the status quo ante.161 Rather,

neoabsolutism represented an alliance of mostly conservative forces that sought to fill

the power vacuum created by the 1848 revolution with a centralized and homogenized

government that matched their own sensibilities. “To make the empire one in every

sense,” is how the British historian Lord Acton fittingly described their goal in

1861.162 It is important to emphasize “mostly conservative:” several of the new

government ministers, most notably the new Minister of Justice and later of the

Interior, Alexander Bach, had a “liberal past,” while many traditionally conservative

160
Josef Reiter to Jodok Stülz, 8 March 1849. Cited in, Kriemhild Pangerl, "Josef Reiter Can. Reg.
(1805-1876)," in Kirchengeschichte in Linz. Fakultät - Lehrkanzel - Professoren, ed. Rudolf Zinnhobler
and Kriemhild Pangerl, (Linz, 2000), p. 185.
161
Some historians have long stressed the dual-nature of neoabsolutist rule: simultaneously
progressive in its devotion to creating a centralized and ‘modern’ bureaucratic state, and reactionary in
its anti-liberal alliance between Church, monarch and conservative bureaucratic elites. This is already
apparent in Heinrich Friedjung, Österreich von 1848 bis 1860, 2 vols., (Stuttgart and Berlin, 1908-
1912). The best account among the more recent scholarship is Harm-Hinrich Brandt, Der
österreichische Neoabsolutismus: Staatsfinanzen und Politik 1848-1860, 2 vols., (Göttingen, 1978).
Many historians, however, still take their cue from contemporary liberals, who saw the decade as a
“second, enlarged edition of the Metternich system.” Jaszi, Dissolution, p. 100. For further examples,
see, Jean Bérenger, Die Geschichte des Habsburgerreiches, 1273 bis 1918, (Vienna and Cologne,
1995), pp. 612-617; A.J.P. Taylor, The Habsburg Monarchy, 1809-1918. A History of the Austrian
Empire and Austria-Hungary, (1948), (Chicago, 1976); Winter, Revolution.
162
Lord John Acton, "Notes on the Present State of Austria," (1861), in Essays on Church and
State by Lord Acton, ed. Douglas Woodruff, (London, 1952), p. 341.
 91

forces, especially the noble estates and other proponents of traditional rights and a

federal structure of empire, were systematically excluded from participation. The

energy and purpose with which the government approached its task is perhaps best

illustrated by a memorandum Bach wrote to the provincial governors on 18 August

1849:

Es wird die Aufgabe jedes leitenden Funktionärs sein, dort, wo

ältere Gesetze und Vorschriften mit den Grundsätzen der neuen
Institutionen nicht im Einklange stehen, den letzteren immer
überall praktisch Geltung zu verschaffen. 163

The era is thus best termed a neo-conservative realignment with strong centralizing-

reformist tendencies.

Liberals and Municipal Authority

As the government in Vienna sought to centralize and increase its powers, this

shift occurred at the expense of independent provincial administrations. In 1849, the

provincial Diets were closed and the Statthalterei (the provincial governor’s office)

became more closely tied to the various ministries in Vienna. In Upper Austria, this

new close relationship between the Statthalterei and Vienna was reinforced through

personal ties: from 1851 until 1861 the Statthalter (governor) in the province was

Eduard Bach, brother of the already mentioned Minister of Justice and the Interior,

163
Vortrag des Ministers des Innern Alexander Bach, d.d. 18 August 1849, womit derselbe ein
Exemplar jenes Rundschreibens zur Ah. Einsicht vorlegt, das er in Folge seiner Ernennung zum
Minister des Innern an sämmtliche Landes-Chefs in der Absicht mitgetheilt hatte. Cited in, Friedrich
Walter, Die Österreichische Zentralverwaltung. III. Abteilung: Von der Märzrevolution 1848 bis zur
Dezemberverfassung 1867, vol. II. Die Geschichte der Ministerien Kolowrat, Ficquelmont, Pillersdorf,
Wessenberg-Doblhoff und Schwarzenberg. Aktenstücke, (Vienna, 1964), p. 106.
 92

Alexander Bach.164 Whereas Eduard Bach’s predecessor, Fischer,165 had been a liberal

lawyer from Salzburg,166 Bach was a career bureaucrat.167 Because of the strong

position of the Statthalter, reinstatement of political censorship, and the absence of a

provincial Diet, historians have tended to characterize this decade as “politisch

bedeutungslos.”168 This is wholly incorrect.

Yet as the provincial Diets drifted into a decade long slumber, a different civic

body received a new breath of life: the Gemeinde (commune or municipality).169

Indeed, a complete reordering of the Gemeindeordnung under Stadion brought a swift

164
There is little modern secondary literature on Alexander Bach. See, Alexander Bach:
politisches Characterbild, (Leipzig, 1850); Minna Regina Falk, "Social Forces in the Austrian
Revolution of 1848, with Special Attention to the Leadership of Alexander Bach" (Ph.D. Dissertation,
New York University, 1933); Heinrich Friedjung, "Alexander Bachs Jugend und Bildungsjahre," in
Historische Aufsätze, (Stuttgart and Berlin, 1919).
165
On Fischer, who held the position from 1849 to 1851, see, Alois Fischer, Aus meinem
Amtsleben, (Augsburg, 1860).
166
Until 1849, Salzburg was administratively part of Upper Austria.
167
Born in 1814 the son of a middle-class lawyer in Vienna, Bach quickly proved a capable and
able administrator. By 1847 he had served as Kreishauptmann of the Bukowina and Civilcommissär in
Transylvania-Siebenbürgen. In 1851 he came to Upper Austria as Statthalter, where he would remain
for over a decade. During his tenure, he focused his energies largely on improving transportation
infrastructure and education. Because these efforts were implemented without consent of the Diet, Bach
soon aquired an undeserved reputation as a spendthrift and stooge of Vienna after the Diet came back
into session in 1861. This view continued to inform accounts in the standard historiography until the
1980s. See, for example, the biased and often inaccurate, Friedrich Walter, "Beiträge zu einer
Biographie Eduard Bachs," Mitteilungen des Oberösterreichischen Landesarchivs 8 (1964). A more
balanced view can be found in Harry Slapnicka, "Eduard Bach (1814-1884). Kaiserlicher Statthalter in
der zentralistisch-bürokratischen Ära," in Oberösterreicher: Lebensbilder zur Geschichte
Oberösterreichs, ed. Gerhart Marckhgott and Harry Slapnicka, (Linz, 1991); Harry Slapnicka,
Oberösterreich, die politische Führungsschicht: 1861 bis 1918, (Linz, 1983). The “official” record is
probably closer to the mark: see Bach’s obituary, Linzer Zeitung, 17 February 1884, p. 1. A biography
of Bach would be a welcome addition to both Upper Austrian and Habsburg historiography.
168
Wimmer, Liberalismus, p. 22.
169
The German term Gemeinde denotes a geographical sub-unit of the province (“Land”) and is
thus equivalent to the English term commune. The larger municipalities existed as separate entities and
usually enjoyed further privileges, either through their status as “market” or “free” towns, or with a
unique set of privileges granted by the emperor. See, Franz Stundner, "Die Entwicklung des
Städtewesens in Österreich im 19. Jahrhundert," in Die Städte Mitteleuropas im 19. Jahrhundert, ed.
Wilhelm Rausch, (Linz, 1983).
 93

and dramatic shift in the balance of power.170 The new provisional communal law of

March 1849 began, “Die Grundfeste des freien Staates ist die freie Gemeinde,”171 and

the communes were committed to turning these words into fact. The communes

greatly increased their autonomy, becoming free to decide how to elect their

representatives and whom to let reside inside their borders.172 The effect of the

communal legislation was to create a new space for liberal energy in local, especially

municipal, politics and liberals held on to power in many towns at the local level

throughout the 1850s.173 Thus while national politics was mostly devoid of liberal

energy, and most newspapers — local and national — remained careful of what they

wrote, local and municipal governments became hotbeds of liberal activity.174

170
The reform of the Gemeindesystem, like much of the Stadion constitution, became the subject
of heated battles between the ministries and within the government. In practice, the constitution was
increasingly ignored during the 1850s, but became the foundation for a much more thorough reform a
decade later. See Linzer Zeitung, 29 July and 20 September 1851, as well as Werner Ogris, "Die
Entwicklung des österreichischen Gemeinderechts in 19. Jahrhundert," in Die Städte Mitteleuropas im
19. Jahrhundert, ed. Wilhelm Rausch, (Linz, 1983), pp. 85-90. A good overview of the conflicts within
the government can be found in, Friedrich Walter, Die Österreichische Zentralverwaltung. III.
Abteilung: Von der Märzrevolution 1848 bis zur Dezemberverfassung 1867, vol. I. Die Geschichte der
Ministerien Kolowrat, Ficquelmont, Pillersdorf, Wessenberg-Doblhoff und Schwarzenberg, (Vienna,
1964), p. 572 ff. On the liberal side of Stadion’s reforms, see, Robin Okey, The Habsburg Monarchy, c.
1765-1918. From Enlightenment to Eclipse, (London, 2001), p. 160.
171
The Gemeindegesetz was issued just two weeks after the Stadion Constitution. Art. 1 of the
Provisorisches Gemeinderecht, RGBl. Nr. 170, 17 March 1849, pp. 203-223. All laws cited from,
Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, AustriaN Newspapers Online - Gesetzestexte, 2004 [Online
Database]. Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, [cited 29 October 2004]. Available from
<http://anno.onb.ac.at/gesetze.htm>. Also see, Ogris, "Gemeinderecht," p. 86.
172
Liberal historians and commentators have, of course, thus pointed to these provisions as
“Stadions reifste legislatorische Leistung.” Ogris, "Gemeinderecht," p. 86.
173
On this point see, Götz, Bürgertum und Liberalismus, chpt. 4.
174
Even this view of the press during neoabsolutism is slowly being reconsidered. As a recent
article by Jeffrey Leigh demonstrates, the press – liberal, Catholic-conservative and nationalist – was
much more vocal, especially during the early years of the neoabsolutist period from 1849 to 1852, and
the government much more careful in how it treated potential agitators, than historians have generally
assumed. Jeffrey T. Leigh, "Public Opinion, Public Order, and Press Policy in the Neoabsolutist State:
Bohemia, 1849-52," Austrian History Yearbook (2004).
 94

Liberals ‘returned’ to the commune in the 1850s, often as mayors or officials in

the municipal government, using these offices to promote their policies and ideals. For

liberals, the rights and privileges restored to the communes in 1848/49 required a

comprehensive defense against the encroaching absolutist state.175 In Linz, the

Vienna-appointed mayor of the Vormärz, Joseph Bischoff, quickly became the focus

of local liberal resentment in the heated climate of March 1848.176 In 1848-49, liberals

set up organizational structures independent of the municipal government with the aim

of making Bischoff increasingly irrelevant, and they succeeded in their goal: In 1850,

the mayor once again became an elected office and in the first election, it was the

liberal merchant and former leader of the anti-Bischoff faction, Reinhold Körner, who

became Linz’s first elected mayor in an extravagant ceremony.177 As Körner stated

during his inauguration,

ich sage also so: der Staat erhalte so viele Rechte und Befugnisse,
als er zum Wohle des Ganzen braucht, und daß er die höchste
Gewalt des Innern, Achtung gebietend nach Außen sei, alles
übrige bleibe den Gemeinden, in jedem falle aber müße ihnen die
Selbstständigkeit und Öffentlichkeit gerettet werden.178

175
In the Vormärz, Austrian counties and municipalities enjoyed comparatively few rights when
compared to their neighbors to the north. As Nipperdey fittingly put it, during theses years, “die
städtische Verwaltung wurde verstaatlicht.“ Nipperdey, Deutsche Geschichte, 1800-1866, p. 339;
Ogris, "Gemeinderecht;" James J. Sheehan, German History, 1770-1866, (Oxford and New York,
1989), p. 489.
176
Kirchmayr, "Oberösterreich,” p. 8.
177
See accounts in, Linzer Zeitung, October and November 1850.
178
From Körner’s speech upon being elected mayor. Reprinted in, Linzer Zeitung, 17 November
1850.
 95

Despite having been one of the founders of the liberal Nationalgarde, Körner was

allowed to continue in his post until 1854, even though he had done little to distance

himself from his revolutionary past. When he finally resigned in protest over the

Statthalterei’s strong-arm methods,179 his deputy, Heinrich Jungwirth, replaced him;

Jungwirth’s revolutionary past was almost as colorful as Körner’s. Jungwirth, in turn,

was succeeded by the only recently ennobled factory owner, Josef Dierzer von

Traunthal, head of the local Chamber of Commerce and a member of the same

professional clubs and associations as his predecessors. Finally, the last mayor during

the neoabsolutist period, Vinzenz Fink, was a politically active liberal publisher and

bookseller who had belonged to the closest circle around Körner since well before

1848.180 Linz’s mayoral office thus remained firmly in liberal hands throughout the

1850s and it was against the backdrop of the neoabsolutist state that the communes

could finally reach for their place in the sun.

The Catholic Church in the Era of Neoabsolutism

While the role of local governments during neoabsolutism has been largely

overlooked, the Catholic Church has always stood front and center in historians’

accounts. Indeed, with the signing of the 1855 Concordat, the Church became both a

179
There is some doubt among historians over whether Körner resigned in protest or was
forcefully asked to resign. More than probably it was a mix of both. Georg Grüll, Das Linzer
Bürgermeisterbuch, (Linz, 1959), p. 108; Kirchmayr, "Oberösterreich,” p. 167.
180
On the mayors in Linz in the 1850s, see, Grüll, Bürgermeisterbuch, pp. 104-111; Kirchmayr,
"Oberösterreich,” p. 8, 166-169.
 96

pillar of the regime and the emblem of a reactionary era.181 There is much truth to this

view: in the early days of neoabsolutism, the Catholic hierarchy in Austria mobilized

quickly, lobbying effectively for new privileges from the government. The

Österreichische Bischofskonferenz pressed for an end to the Josephinist ties between

the Catholic Church and the state.182 The conference recorded its first success the

following year with the so-called April Ordinances of 1850: Whereas Joseph II had

forbidden direct contact between the Austrian bishops and Rome — all

correspondence passed through state hands first — Francis Joseph now freed the

Austrian hierarchy of any such obligation; and whereas Joseph II established twelve

general seminaries to educate priests under state supervision, in the April Ordinances,

Francis Joseph returned all control over priestly education to the Church.183 The

ordinances proved to be an important initial measure in reversing the legacies of

Josephinism and creating a Catholic hierarchy independent of the state.

The high point of the Church’s lobbying efforts came with the signing of the

Concordat on 18 August 1855, the Emperor’s twenty-fifth birthday. The Concordat

represented a watershed in the relationship between the Catholic Church and the

Austrian government, enshrining the newfound independence of the Church while at

181
A.J.P. Taylor, following Heinrich Friedjung, wrote mockingly that, in the 1850s, the Church
gained rights “it had not enjoyed since the worst days of the Counter-Reformation.” Friedjung,
Österreich von 1848 bis 1860, p. 506; Taylor, Habsburg Monarchy, p. 89. This was not quite true: it
had probably never held such rights. See, Robert Bireley, "Confessional Absolutism in the Habsburg
Lands in the Seventeenth Century," in State and Society in Early Modern Austria, ed. Charles W.
Ingrao, (West Lafayette, Ind., 1994); R.J.W. Evans, The Making of the Habsburg Monarchy, 1550-
1700. An Interpretation, (Oxford, 1979), chpt. 2 and passim.
182
On the Bischofskonferenzen, see above, p. 46.
183
This last right was given pro forma only; all priestly appointments still needed the signature of
the monarch. On the Ordinances of 18 and 23 April 1850, see, Weinzierl-Fischer, Konkordate, p. 59.
 97

the same time handing it vast amounts of responsibility over basic state functions such

as education and censorship. The second article, for example, reaffirmed the free

correspondence between the bishops and Rome, as well as between the lower clergy

and the hierarchy. This time, though, it added that this was the case because in these

matters “die landesfürstliche Bewilligung nachzusuchen, nicht unterliegen, sondern

vollkommen frei sind.” It gave bishops the right to pass judgment on the education of

all Catholics in their diocese at public or private schools until the university level.184

This measure effectively gave the Church oversight over all schools that taught even a

single Catholic student. Furthermore, although the Concordat did not re-impose

censorship, it granted each bishop the right – “mit vollkommener Freiheit” – to select

books that posed a “moral threat” to society, and promised government cooperation to

limit their distribution. In marriage law, it strictly separated the worldly from the

spiritual, placing all matters that dealt with Catholics before ecclesiastical courts.

Furthermore, the legacy of Josephinism suffered a further blow with the

pronouncement that the Religionsfonds, established under Joseph II from the proceeds

of sold Catholic properties and administered by the state to finance the affairs of the

Church, “Kraft ihres Ursprungs Eigenthum der Kirche [sind], und werden im Namen

der Kirche verwaltet.”185

Taken as a whole, the Concordat thus did for the Catholic Church what the

revolutions of 1848 had done for the neoabsolutist state: it created a tabula rasa by

184
On this point, see, Wozniak, "Thun."
185
Although this point may sound minor, it represented a major and hard-won concession on the
part of the Church. The complete Concordat is reprinted in, Weinzierl-Fischer, Konkordate, pp. 250-
258.
 98

breaking down existing practices, removing the privileges held by the state as well as

by prelates in various parts of the Monarchy, and then building a new edifice —

independent of the state, unified in structure and aggressively anti-Josephinist in

outlook — on top. Indeed, Cardinal Rauscher spent much of 1854 arguing with other

bishops from the Monarchy, especially from Hungary, Moravia and Galicia, over the

loss of particular and local rights they suffered as a result of the Concordat. To many

Hungarians, the Concordat was merely one part of the “k.k. Germanisierung in

Ungarn,” as a pamphlet from 1860 put it.186 Although liberals were rightly distraught

at many aspects of the Concordat, it also created the basis of a separation of church

and state that would make the later transition to religious equality and liberal

constitutionalism much easier.187

In the following sections, I will explore two very different conflicts between the

Catholic Church and local liberals during the 1850s. The first focuses on Linz and

explores the conflict that took place over the building of an Allgemeines Krankenhaus

during the 1850s. The second takes place in Schwanenstadt, a small town south-west

of Linz, and involves the widow of a protestant factory owner who is at odds with the

Catholic Church over his burial in the local Catholic cemetery. Both conflicts focus on

the process of secularization: how jurisdiction over health care and cemeteries

increasingly came to be seen as municipal responsibility.

186
Weinzierl-Fischer, Konkordate, pp. 73-74, 100.
187
On this point, see the discussion in, Boyer, Political Radicalism, pp. 19-21; Burns, "Politics of
Ideology," pp. 1130-1132.
 99

The Struggle for the Allgemeines Krankenhaus in Linz

Until the late eighteenth century, hospitals tended to be small scale affairs:

Siechhäuser set up during or right after an epidemic; Bruderhäuser or Bürgerspitale

erected by artisans or town burghers to care for their peers; or Hospitale erected by

religious orders or sometimes by the communes to serve as multi-functioning quarters

for the sick, terminally ill, indigent, and often the insane. In contrast, the idea of the

hospital that emerged in the late eighteenth and nineteenth centuries — the

Allgemeines Krankenhaus188 — was set apart from these earlier structures in two

important ways: First, the Krankenhaus aimed to heal the curable sick; neither charity

nor — unless it was for medical research — the terminally ill necessarily interested its

doctors. Second, it aimed at universality: to serve all social classes and curable

illnesses in one building.189

188
I will use “general hospital” to denote the German allgemeines Krankenhaus and “religious
hospital” for Ordensspital. There are no ready equivalents in English for the words Hospital and
Krankenhaus. Hospice, the nearest equivalent to Hospital, fails to convey the openness of the term —
which refers to any institution that took people in and remains in use in Austria and Switzerland (Spital)
as a synonym for Krankenhaus. The very term Krankenhaus thus denotes an attempt of the late-
eighteenth-century medical community to differentiate ‘their’ institution from Spitale. Robert Jütte,
"Vom Hospital zum Krankenhaus: 16. bis 19. Jahrhundert," in "Einem jedem Kranken in einem
Hospitale sein eigenes Bett." Zur Sozialgeschichte des Allgemeinen Krankenhauses in Deutschland im
19. Jahrhundert, ed. Alfons Labisch and Reinhard Spree, (Frankfurt a.M. and New York, 1996), p. 32.
189
On the transition to the modern clinical hospital in the early nineteenth century, see: Michel
Foucault, "Space, Knowledge, and Power," in The Foucault Reader, ed. Paul Rabinow, (New York,
1984); Michel Foucault, The Birth of the Clinic: An Archeology of Medical Perception, (New York,
1994); Alfons Labisch and Reinhard Spree, eds., "Einem jedem Kranken in einem Hospitale sein
eigenes Bett." Zur Sozialgeschichte des Allgemeinen Krankenhauses in Deutschland im 19.
Jahrhundert, (Frankfurt a.M. and New York, 1996); Erna Lesky, "Das Wiener Allgemeine
Krankenhaus. Sein Gründung und Wirkung auf deutsche Spitäler," Clio Medica 2 (1967); Axel Hinrich
Murken, Vom Armenhospital zum Grossklinikum: die Geschichte des Krankenhauses vom 18.
Jahrhundert bis zur Gegenwart, (Cologne, 1988); Hans Sturmberger, "Vom 'Hospital' zum
"Krankenhaus' Zur geschichte des Krankenhauswesens in Oberösterreich bis zum 1. Weltkrieg,"
Mitteilungen des Oberösterreichischen Landesarchivs 11 (1974).
 100

Universality meant, however, that while all patients would enter through the

same front door, they were immediately separated by disease, gender and social class

once inside. This separation was grounded in what Michel Foucault and others have

called the emerging ‘clinical gaze’ of the medical profession in the late eighteenth and

early nineteenth century:190 General hospitals became clinics in which patients were

separated by disease and each disease was treated and studied in isolation — as much

for the patient’s sake as for the sake of the doctors, who could better observe and learn

in the process. At the same time, aspirations of a universal clientele also meant that the

social classes existed together apart: private rooms for an emerging middle class not

rich enough to have a private doctor care for them at home but repelled by the idea of

sharing a room with the laboring masses became the most important financial base for

the new hospitals.

Within the modernization of hospitals and health care in nineteenth-century

Germany, historians of medicine tend to differentiate between two phases: a ‘push’

phase from about 1790 to 1848, as the medical community restructured itself,

successfully lobbying the state for new hospitals — an inordinate amount of which

were built during these years — and a ‘pull’ phase from 1848 until 1914, when an

industrializing and increasingly urban population began to make greater use of those

hospitals, filling existing beds and demanding more. In the first phase, local medical

communities, strengthened by the experience of epidemics like cholera, successfully

190
See: Foucault, Birth of the Clinic; Jütte, "Hospital;” Alfons Labisch, "Stadt und Krankenhaus.
Das Allgemeine Krankenhaus in der kommunalen Sozial- und Gesundheitspolitik des 19. Jahrhunderts,"
in "Einem jedem Kranken in einem Hospitale sein eigenes Bett." Zur Sozialgeschichte des Allgemeinen
Krankenhauses in Deutschland im 19. Jahrhundert, ed. Alfons Labisch and Reinhard Spree, (Frankfurt
a.M. and New York, 1996).
 101

petitioned the state for increasing resources to better care for their communities.191 In

the second phase, an increasingly diverse clientele in terms of gender, age and

profession then began to use those hospitals; the number of beds per inhabitant (as

hospitals added wings and wards) and sick days per bed, per year skyrocketed.192

Austria, Linz and a Diverging Trend

In the medieval and early modern period, Linz was in many ways a ‘typical’

central European city in the number and type of hospitals contained within the city.193

Linz and, to a large extent, Austria, however, diverged from the ‘German’ model in

the timing and fashion of the transition from Hospital to Krankenhaus, and especially

in the role of the Church in this transition. New hospitals in Linz during the middle-

thirds of the eighteenth century — those of the Elisabethiner in 1744 and of the

Barmherzige Brüder in 1756 — were built under the auspices of religious orders and

only ostensibly placed under centralized state control in 1770.194 These hospitals

fostered a certain tension between the Catholic Church and the ‘clinical gaze’ of the

state: although de jure public health was controlled by a state-appointed commission

of medical doctors, de facto doctors in each hospital remained under Church oversight

191
Labisch, "Stadt und Krankenhaus," p. 255.
192
On ‘push’ and ‘pull,’ see, Reinhard Spree, "Krankenhausentwicklungen und Sozialpolitik in
Deutschland während des 19. Jahrhunderts," Historische Zeitschrift 260 (1995): pp. 102-103.
193
On hospitals in Linz before the nineteenth century, see, Anton Knörlein, Kurzgefasste
Geschichte der Heilanstalten und des Medicinalwesens in Linz, (Linz, 1855); Sturmberger, "Vom
'Hospital' zum 'Krankenhaus'," pp. 227-241.
194
The 1770 Sanitäts-Normativ created a medical council of government officials and doctors in
each province, which met every 8 days to consult on matters of public health. But while this did much
to centralize the medical profession, it did little to increase state oversight of Church-controlled
hospitals, over which the council had no direct control. See, Knörlein, Geschichte der Heilanstalten, p.
15.
 102

in day-to-day practice. In Linz and Upper Austria, the switch from segmented care —

specialized artisan, burgher or pilgrim hospices — to universal Krankenhaus care thus

already began to occur in the early eighteenth century, but unlike in France or Prussia,

it occurred under the aegis of the Church.195

In the early nineteenth century, medical practitioners, especially in smaller

cities, increasingly became aware of the limitations of this system, made all the more

clear by the few examples of Allgemeine Krankenhäuser in the Monarchy: Vienna

(built 1784), Olmütz (Olomouc) (1787), and Prague (1790). Anton Knörlein, one of

Linz’s most prominent medical doctors and director of the city’s insane asylum,

described the frustration he and many of his colleagues felt in the 1850s in a book on

the state of medicine in Linz: “der scholastische und mystische Unsinn [muss] aus den

Köpfen hinweggefegt werden, um vernünftigen Anschauungen natürlicher Vorgänge

des Lebensprozesses Platz zu machen.”196 For liberal doctors such as Knörlein, these

conjectures seemed based on real data: whereas the three clerical hospitals had patient

fatality rates of between six and ten percent, those at the municipal hospital hovered

between one and four percent.197 In Austria and Linz, the medical ‘old order’ was thus

tied much more closely to the Church than in France or in Prussia, and the

transformation of the ‘clinical gaze’ into modern clinical practice also became an

195
The Catholic Church played an important role in health care throughout the eighteenth and
early-nineteenth century, a welcome partner of the state in endeavors such as the vaccination campaign
in the late eighteenth century. Michael Pammer, "Vom Beichtzettel zum Impfzeugnis: Beamte, Arzte,
Priester und die Einfuhrung der Vaccination," Österreich in Geschichte und Literatur 39 (1995).
196
Knörlein, Geschichte der Heilanstalten, p. 11.
197
The municipal instution in his sample, the städtisches Krankenhaus, however, catered only to
women with venereal disease, which explains the lower rate of fatalities. Based on figures between
1845 and 1854. Knörlein, Geschichte der Heilanstalten, p. 51.
 103

exercise in anti-clericalism: modern medicine needed not just general, but also secular

hospitals.

No secular hospitals were built in Upper Austria before 1848 — in contrast to

Munich, Mainz and most other medium-sized towns in German-speaking Europe —

with the result that the ‘push’ and ‘pull’ phases of health care modernization largely

took place concurrently. The first ‘pull’ came in the 1830s, as several public-works

projects, better methods of transportation, and the establishment of the first textile

factories in the Linz suburb of Kleinmünchen drew workers and travelers to the city

on the Danube.198 The often unsanitary working and living conditions brought rates of

sickness and disease well above the capacity of the local hospitals to deal with; a

single new hospital with forty beds that was built under the auspices of the religious

order Barmherzige Schwestern in 1842 did little to help.199 Also, a new type of

epidemic, Asiatic cholera, made its first European appearance between 1826 and 1837.

Though Linz as a whole was spared, the medical community, the provincial

administration, and the municipalities received valuable training in the necessity of

198
The building of the Maximillian Towers and the Linz-Budweis (České Budějovice) railroad in
the 1830s, as well as the start of regular traffic on the Danube through the Donau-
Dampfschiffahrtsgesellschaft brought a steady stream of workers, merchants and tourists to the region.
See p. 32, above.
199
The hospital of the Barmherzige Schwestern was the first institution to admit both men and
women, and the first to practice homeopathic medicine in Upper Austria. Especially this last detail
came as an affront to secular medical doctors in the region. 60 years later, in 1904, when the hospital
received a new wing and hired a new, secular head doctor, the well-known Linz Primärazt Alexander
Brenner noted, that, finally, “auch die wissenschaftlichen Medizin den Einzug in diese Räume gestattet
wurde.” Alexander Brenner and J. Kempf, Das Allgemeine Krankenhaus der Stadt Linz: 1865-1904,
(Linz, 1904), pp. 8-9.
The hospital’s construction needs to be understood both as a last attempt by the religious authorities
to maintain control of health care and as part of the pre-March drive by the Church to re-introduce
religious orders wherever possible. Sturmberger, "Vom 'Hospital' zum 'Krankenhaus'," p. 242.
 104

cooperation and social-hygienic policing: during the crisis, the city placed the entire

municipality — including, for the first time, the religious hospitals — under their

medical supervision.200

Writing a report on the question for the Ministry of the Interior, the General-

Inspektor für Gefängniswesen in Upper Austria, Weis von Starkenfels, counted a mere

160 beds in Linz’s three hospitals: the Elisabethiner (60), the Barmherzige Brüder

(60) and the Barmherzige Schwestern (40).201 Linz, however, had a total population of

27,000 (with suburbs over 40,000),202 which translated into one hospital bed per 168

(with suburbs per 250) inhabitants. By contrast, when the 400-bed general hospital

opened in Munich in 1813, it had a ratio of one bed for every sixty-eight

inhabitants.203

200
“4 Cholera-Spitäler [wurden] errichtet, die Stadt in Sanitäts-Bezirke getheilt, und Aerzte und
Wundärzte zu deren Überwachung aufgestellt.“ Knörlein, Geschichte der Heilanstalten, p. 31. On
Asiatic cholera in Europe, see, Richard J. Evans, "Epidemics and Revolution: Cholera in Nineteenth-
Century Europe," Past & Present 120 (1988). In the Monarchy, doctors from all provinces were invited
by the government in Vienna to travel to Galicia in 1831 in order to study the effects and dangers of
Cholera up close. Zdenek Hornof, "Josef Skoda als Choleraarzt in Böhmen," Clio Medica 2 (1967). In
Upper Austria, as in most other towns in Central Europe, the results of the expedition were followed
quite closely. See, for example, Berichte des Herrn Doktor Leo aus Warschau über die heilung der
Cholera, (Steyr, 1831). As Peter Baldwin has noted, the 1830s epidemic produced “a veritable biblio-
cholera” that in itself seemed acutely contagious. Peter Baldwin, Contagion and the State in Europe,
1830-1930, (Cambridge, 1999), pp. 38-39.
201
Starkenfels to (Alexander v.) Bach, 16 January 1856. OöLA StPr VII D, Sch. 371. A rather
different estimate is available in Kirchmayr, "Oberösterreich,” pp. 474-478. He comes to a total of 600
beds, although he includes all the institutions that catered to ‘specialized’ groups: the Landes-
Irrenanstalt (the insane), the Gebär- und Findelanstalt (unwed mothers), the städtisches Krankenhaus
(women with venereal disease), and the städtische Versorgungsanstalt (a poor house).
202
Figures are for 1857. “Suburbs” includes Urfahr, Kleinmünchen, Ebelsbergen, Traun, and St.
Peter. See, John and Stadler, "Bevölkerungsentwicklung," p. 121; Österreichisches Statistisches
Zentralamt, Geschichte und Ergebnisse, p. 13.
203
The mayor’s office sent a delegation to Munich in December 1852 to gather information and
architectural plans. Brenner and Kempf, Krankenhaus. On the general hospital in Munich, see, Reinhard
Spree, "Sozialer Wandel im Krankenhaus während des 19. Jahrhunderts. Das Beispiel des Münchner
Allgemeinen Krankenhauses," Medizinhistorisches Journal 33 (1998): p. 251.
 105

The Allgemeines Krankenhaus in Linz

The push for a new general hospital began in the 1840s and was subsequently

made a focal point of liberal demands in 1848. By 1850, all sides — the government,

prominent liberals and even the Catholic Church — agreed that there was an ardent

need for additional hospital beds. The disagreement came over where to put them. The

Church and, for some time, the Ministry of the Interior, argued that an expansion of

the existing religious hospitals would be the most cost-effective solution; liberals and

the medical community in Linz wanted to build a new ‘secular’ general hospital.204

Reinhold Körner’s election to the mayor’s office in 1850 gave liberals a new and

powerful platform from which to press their case. Already on the eve of Körner’s

election on 15 September 1850, the Liedertafel “Frohsinn” held a benefit concert in

his honor, raising 458 Fl. for the erection of a general hospital. Three days later, the

newly elected Linz Gemeinderat put the building of a new hospital on its agenda, but

things did not go smoothly. A petition for a series of tax-free lotteries to raise money

for the project was rejected by the Ministry of the Interior, even with a positive

recommendation from the local Statthalter.205

By February of 1852, the city had managed to raise 30,000 Fl. for the hospital

through the sale of municipal property and an additional 10,000 Fl. through private

204
in their plea to the Statthalterei, Knörlein and Onderka called it a Civilkrankenhaus in order to
further distinguish it from the religious Ordensspitäler. (Josef Onderka was the head of the medical
community, the Regierungs- und Landes-Medicinalrath, in Upper Austria). Knörlein and Onderka to
SHL, 29 October 1855. OöLA StPr VII D, Sch. 371.
205
E.B., Geschichtliche Darstellung der Entstehung des Allgemeinen Krankenhauses in Linz. Aus
Anlaß der Grundsteinlegung am 15. September 1863, (Linz, 1863), p. 6. The following account is based
on, Brenner and Kempf, Krankenhaus; E.B., Allgemeinen Krankenhauses; Kirchmayr,
"Oberösterreich,” pp. 474-482; Knörlein, Geschichte der Heilanstalten; Sturmberger, "Vom 'Hospital'
zum 'Krankenhaus'."
 106

donations.206 Feeling optimistic, the mayor’s office sent a delegation to Munich to

study the general hospital there as a model. In 1854, the Emperor finally permitted the

municipality to draw funds from the state lottery,207 which added a further 53,220 Fl

to the project, bringing the total to 93,220 Fl. This sum represented a solid financial

foundation on top of which construction could begin. But drawing funds from the state

lottery also meant an additional review of the project by the Imperial Building

Commission, which judged it too expensive and, in early 1856, recommended the

expansion of existing religious hospitals.208

Using the Imperial Building Commissions’ recommendation, the religious

orders, prompted by the diocese administration, now began pleading their case in

earnest. First, Maria Läcilia, abbess of the Elisabethiner-Orden, wrote to the

Statthalterei, informing it that their hospital had recently expanded from sixty to

seventy-five beds and could easily fill double that number. A few weeks later, the

Bischöfliches Consistorium wrote as well, adding that it fully agreed with the wishes

of the Elisabethiner, but that any plan needed approval from both the Bischöfliches

Consistorium and the Elisabethiner so that there is a “geistliche Kommunität” and an,

Übereinstimmung des Baues mit den Ordensstatuten nehmentlich

in Beziehung auf die Klausur, wesentlich um auch bei anderen

206
A complete list of contributions can be found in, Brenner and Kempf, Krankenhaus, pp. 16-19.
207
Waltraud Heindl, ed., Die Protokolle des Österreichischen Ministerrates. III. Abteilung. Das
Ministerium Buol-Schauenstein, vol. 3: 11. Oktober 1853 - 19. Dezember 1854, (Vienna, 1984), pp.
171-172.
208
Starkenfels to (Alexander v.) Bach, 16 January 1856; Beul to (Eduard v.) Bach, 8 April 1856;
and, Baumgarten to SHL, 27 May 1856. All letters at OöLA StPr VII D, Sch. 371.
 107

Anlässen die gehörige Würdigung gefunden hat.”209

In late May, an additional report from the Upper Austrian Building Commission

appeared, also recommending that an expansion of the religious hospitals would help

keep costs down.

Next the Statthalterei wrote to Julius Dotter, head of the Order of Barmherzige

Brüder, asking whether the order would want to be included in any plans for more

hospital beds. Dotter replied positively but, like the Elisabethiner, also outlined the

conditions under which the order would participate: a new hospital wing would always

remain religious and could never be turned over to municipal control, not even during

epidemics; the head of the order was to remain head of the new wing, “mithin über

diese neue Anstalt auch nie eine weltliche oder fremde Direktion mitgesetzt werden

dürfte;” all employees would be paid from a Fond created to build the buildings so

that the expenses of the additional beds would not burden the order; finally, although

the brothers of the order set the fees, it would be the duty of the secular authorities —

who would not be in daily contact with the brothers — to collect those fees from the

patients.210 Following the letters from the orders, Bishop Rudigier also began a small

publicity campaign in support of the religious hospitals. In a series of articles in the

Linzer Diözesanblatt – clearly aimed at producing content for the weekend’s sermons

– Rudigier emphasized the importance of charity as a principle in hospital

maintenance, a principle, he argued, the Catholic Church was better suited to

209
Läcilia to SHL, 22 April 1856; and, BC to SHL, 10 May 1856, both at OöLA StPr VII D, Sch.
371.
210
Dotter to SHL, 9 June 1856, OöLA StPr VII D, Sch. 371.
 108

upholding than the state, while also stressing the bishop’s authority in controlling

those hospitals.211

The hubris exhibited by the religious hospitals in making their demands can

largely be attributed to the confidence that the Church exhibited after the conclusion of

the Concordat, barely a half-year old in the spring of 1856. It also prompted liberals —

who by the mid-1850s had few other outlets for their political energies — to push for

their own vision with renewed vigor: “Jedem Kranken ohne Unterschied der

Nationalität, des Bekenntnisses und Geschlechtes, sowie jeder Krankheitsform zu

jeder Zeit zugänglich sein,“ was to be the motto for the new hospital.212 In a flurry of

letters to the Statthalterei and the Ministry of the Interior, officials from the mayor’s

office and the medical council now sought to reaffirm these principles, which, in their

eyes, made a general rather than religious hospital an absolute necessity:

1. Die Aufnahme der Kranken soll zu jeder Stunde des Tages

und der Nacht stattfinden;

2. es sollte Jedermann, so ferne er wirklich krank und noch

heilbar ist, auf eine unverweigerte Aufnahme, rechnen
dürfen;

3. es sollten für jene, welche eine separierte Krankenpflege

in Anspruch nehmen wollen, eigene Abtheilungen
vorhanden seyn;

4. die Anstalt sollte das Gepräge der Allgemeinheit ihres

211
Linzer Diözesanblatt 2 (1856), 179, 295.
212
E.B., Allgemeinen Krankenhauses, p. 5.
 109

Wirkens tragen, und jene Beweglichkeit nach Innen, sowie

nach Außen entwickeln, welche ebenso den Fortschritten
der ärztlichen Kunst und Wissenschaft als den sich
vervielfältigenden Wünschen und Bedürfnissen des
Publikums Rechnung tragen.213

This was the liberal vision of a general hospital: universal in who it accepted, open at

all hours and (in its own way) to all classes, and managed for the benefit of both the

patients and doctors. This vision was consciously designed to contrast with the

religious hospitals: only open at certain hours of the day, unwilling to treat either

pregnant women or those with sexually transmitted diseases, while at the same time

utterly indiscriminate with the patients it did take — everyone, rich and poor, with a

broken arm or a contagious fever, shared a room and, when need be, a bed. As the

Landes-Medizinalkommission214 now wrote: to expand the existing hospitals would

only make “ihre schwachen Seiten unheilbar.” For them, the question of separate

rooms for middle-class patients was not merely an exercise in pampering; it was a

question of public health and of money: What good was a hospital that scared away its

only paying clientele? How could middle-class patients, not rich enough to pay for in-

house medical care but nevertheless of sufficient social standing to make residency

next to common laborers and maids uncomfortable, be treated? “Die Bestellung einer

213
Fink to SHL, 2 November 1856, OöLA StPr VII D, Sch. 371.
214
The Landes-Medizinalkommission was established in 1850 as a more ‘professional’ successor
to the 1770 Sanitäts-Normativ. Kirchmayr, "Oberösterreich,” p. 484.
 110

separaten und gegen festgestellte Bezahlung zu erlangende Krankenpflege,” was a

necessity for the “zahlreichen Mittelstand unserer Hauptstadt.”215

Just as importantly, so continued one petition to the Statthalterei on the matter,

the independence of the medical profession suffered visibly under the current

arrangement.

Der ordinierende Arzt in seiner Ordinationen nicht immer

unabhängig ist, sondern sich nach den herkömmlichen
Gewohnheiten und Einrichtungen des Klosters, selbst nach
vorgesagten Meinungen über Kurmethoden richten muss, wenn er
nicht seine Stellung, als bestellter Arzt gefährden will.

The problem of authority went further, as the doctor in a religious hospital merely

made visitations; he was not a “im Krankenhaus wohnender Arzt, bei dem die

Anwesenheit Regel … ist.” Furthermore,

ob die Ordensvorsteher auch jederzeit im Stande oder gewillt

wären, die, im Interesse der Kunst, Wissenschaft oder auch der
Humanität gelegenen, mit der Zeit auftauchenden Reformen und
Verbesserungen im Spitalwesen mit Opfern ihrer Geldmittel …
anzustreben?216

It was public health in general that suffered most, as the religious hospitals insisted on

their independence and thus were difficult to control.

215
Knörlein and Onderka to SHL, 29 October 1855. OöLA StPr VII D, Sch. 371.
216
Knörlein and Onderka to SHL, 29 October 1855. OöLA StPr VII D, Sch. 371.
 111

When an outbreak of Asiatic cholera afflicted the region in the summer of 1855,

liberals saw a new opportunity to make their case. The outbreak of cholera was

horrific; in Linz alone, 1,429 people — just over five percent of the population — died

from the disease in the three summer months of that year.217 Writing to the

Statthalterei in the midst of the epidemic, Vinzenz Fink, then mayor of Linz, argued

that the hospital question was not only relevant to the city of Linz but also affected

Urfahr and Linz’s other suburbs, “deren manche im Besitze von Fabriken eine

zahlreiche Arbeiterklasse beherbergen.” A general hospital was also relevant to the

four rural districts adjoining the city, all of which were home to large populations,

including many Bohemian immigrants who, without formal residency,218 were not

adequately tied into the local health care systems. With religious authorities

controlling the system and flatly opposed to any sort of regional or municipal authority

structure, Fink argued, municipalities were powerless in cooperating effectively and

pooling resources in times of crisis.219 In the wake of the epidemic, the idea of

expanding the religious hospitals was shelved for good — even the Ministry of the

Interior now supported a new municipal hospital — but it was not until 1863 that

construction on a general hospital began.

In the ensuing seven years, with the Church out of the way, the city and the

Land became embroiled in a bitter battle over funding and control of the future

217
Cholera statistics from Knörlein and Onderka to SHL, 29 October 1855. OöLA StPr VII D,
Sch. 371. See, as well, the various articles in the Linzer Zeitung, 25 June until late September 1855.
218
On formal residency (Heimatrecht), see below, p. 254.
219
Fink to SHL, 14 August 1855. OöLA StPr VII D, Sch. 371.
 112

hospital. The city, though desperate to build its hospital, lacked the financial means to

guarantee construction — though it had raised over 90,000 Fl., the total cost of a new

hospital was estimated at around 150,000 Fl. The Land, represented by the

Statthalterei, had the means but would only contribute if the resulting hospital was

placed under its jurisdiction. The point was by no means esoteric: the presiding

authority set and collected the patients’ fees, which either came from the patients

themselves or, when the patients were unable to pay, from the town in which they held

Heimatrecht.220 In 1861, as Austria returned to a quasi-constitutional monarchy, the

provincial Diets where called back into session. The Upper Austrian Diet at first

proved a more willing partner than the Statthalterei in finding a solution to the finance

problem. By 1863, a compromise had been worked out whereby the city pledged to

overtake the majority of the financial obligations, but the Land would make additional

funds available. However, in a dramatic last-minute turn of events, the Upper Austrian

Diet cancelled the project after Franz Seyrl, a politically liberal but fiscally

conservative delegate who had even been a member of the original committee to build

the general hospital in 1850, changed his mind and made a rousing speech against the

project.221 The failure of a deal between the city and the Land represented the classic

220
On Heimatrecht, see pp. 253-256, below. Knörlein and Onderka raise this point in their letter to
the Statthalter: in a general hospital “werden die Verpflegskosten, wenn nicht von dem Vermögen des
Verpflegten, doch von seiner Heimaths-Gemeinde oder seiner Concurrenz eingehoben, dem Lande
Oberösterreich.“ 29 October 1855. OöLA StPr VII D, Sch. 371
221
Seyrl’s book, one of the few sources for Upper Austrian fiscal politics and liberalism in the
1850s, was a sensation when first published on the eve of the Diet’s first session in 1861, especially in
the vehemence with which it attacked Eduard Bach’s supposed financial mismanagement of the
province. Bach even wrote a pamphlet defending his actions and attacking Seyrl which was attached to
a second edition of the book and published in Linz a year later, but to no avail: Bach was forced out of
his post a year later in a successful liberal smear campaign. See Linzer Zeitung, 24 January 1863; E.B.,
 113

case of a liberal Diet reasserting control over its finances ad absurdum after a ten year

hiatus.

After defeat in the Diet, the city decided to build the hospital on its own,

ignoring the question of long-term financing altogether. On 15 September 1863,

thirteen years to the day after the first initiative to build the hospital together with the

election of the Linz’s first liberal mayor, the groundbreaking ceremony finally took

place.222 Two years later, the hospital was finished, although at first it lacked the

much-needed Öffentlichkeitsrecht.223 It first served as a military hospital in the war of

1866 before opening to the public in 1867. Even then, however, the battle between the

city and the Land continued and only in 1874 did the provincial Diet finally authorize

an Öffentlichkeitsrecht; until then, its day-to-day operations remained insecure.224

The conflict surrounding the building of the general hospital in Linz

demonstrates how the idea of health care, through specific conflicts, shifted away from

one of Christian charity toward one of responsibility by the secular authorities — the

medical professionals, the municipalities, the provinces, and the state. At first, efforts

by the municipality to build a general hospital fell on deaf ears. Slowly, however, the

Allgemeinen Krankenhauses, p. 5; Franz Seyrl, Der österreichische Landesfond und die Bach'sche
Verwaltung. Eine Vorbereitung für den Landtag 1861, (Wels, 1861).
222
Rudigier opened the proceedings with a sermon. Katholische Blätter, 16 September 1863, 333.
223
Öffentlichkeitsrecht signified a reimbursement by the Landesfond if a patient was without
means. To acquire such a standing, hospitals had to focus on the curable and not the terminally ill, treat
natives and non-natives equally (Einheimische and Fremde, according to Heimatsrecht), have a fixed
price based on the length of the hospital stay, keep accounts that were to be audited by the Land, and
remain “unter der Überwachung politischer Behörden.”Ernst Mischler and Josef Ulbrich,
Österreichisches Staatswörterbuch: Handbuch des gesammten österreichischen Öffentlichen Rechtes,
2nd. ed., 4 vols., (Wien, 1905), vol. III, p. 245.
224
Whereas the number of patients hovered around 400 between 1870 and 1874, it shot up to 651
in 1874 and reached 1,754 by the end of the decade. Brenner and Kempf, Krankenhaus, p. 35.
 114

population strain brought on by urbanization and industrialization began to make itself

felt: the insufficient number of hospital beds; epidemics, especially the cholera

epidemic of 1855, reinforced the growing importance of the medical community in

working together with the state on issues of social health and medical policing; and,

finally, in ideas of “modern” medical practices — from longer opening hours to the

separation of patients by disease and social class — which the religious hospitals

could not and did not want to heed. In this instance, the alliance between the Catholic

Church and the centralized Austrian state in the neoabsolutist era ran up against an

equally powerful coalition of local liberal politicians and medical professionals.

The Death of a Protestant

Turning now from illness to death, this next section examines the same conflict

between religious and communal concepts of authority in the 1850s in the context of

cemeteries and burial practices. Instead of focusing on the broader discourse between

liberals and the Church, it will focus on a single event: the death of a Protestant in a

small Catholic town and its repercussions. The town, Schwanenstadt,225 lies roughly

thirty-five kilometers southwest of Linz and in the 1850s had a population of about

5,000. The recently deceased, Fridolin von Jenny, was a Protestant factory owner in an

overwhelmingly Catholic town. When Fridolin died on 21 June 1855 — a Thursday

— his widow, Susanna von Jenny, began what should have been a relatively

straightforward process: she wanted her husband buried in the local cemetery. The

225
In 1860, Schwannenstadt became Schwanenstadt, dropping an ‘n’. I have chosen the present-
day usage for the text, but have left the old spelling unchanged in quotations.
 115

task should have been made even easier by the fact that Fridolin was neither poor nor

unimportant. His family had emigrated from Switzerland in the 1780s and settled in

Schwanenstadt after receiving an imperial commission to open a textile factory there.

Some sixty years later, the factory remained one of the towns’ largest employers.226 In

spite of the circumstances, however, the local priest, Jakob Reitshammer, refused her

request: Fridolin was Protestant, the town cemetery Catholic.

Though the decision should not have come wholly unexpected, Susanna was

horrified. The von Jenny family was confessionally mixed: Susanna was Catholic, as

were her four daughters, while her husband and their only son were Protestant.227

Either Fridolin or, more probably, Susanna had been to see Reitshammer on the matter

some time before Fridolin’s death and Reitshammer, in turn, brought the issue to his

bishop, who used it to illustrate how he viewed the ‘cemetery question’ in general.

Already a week before his death, the religious complications posed by Fridolin’s

funeral had been part of a one day Dekante-Conferenz228 in Linz. There, Bishop

Rudigier used the von Jenny case to speak at some length on the importance of

insisting on the Church’s rights when determining who could and could not be buried

226
The von Jenny textile factory, founded either 1784 or 86, depending on the source, was
important enough to merit a mention in most economic histories of the period: see, Alfred Hoffmann,
Wirtschaftsgeschichte des Landes Oberösterreich: Werden, Wachsen, Reifen. Von der Frühzeit bis zum
Jahre 1848, 2 vols., (Linz, 1952), vol. I, pp. 329-330; Roman Sandgruber, Ökonomie und Politik:
österreichische Wirtschaftsgeschichte vom Mittelalter bis zur Gegenwart, (Vienna, 1995), p. 183;
Johann Slokar, Geschichte der österreichischen Industrie und ihrer Förderung unter Kaiser Franz I,
(Vienna, 1914), p. 312. The factory went bankrupt in the 1880s. Eckhard Bamberger and Harry
Slapnicka, eds., Schwanenstadt. Chronik heraugegeben von der Stadtgemeinde Schwanenstadt zur 350-
Jahr-Feier der Stadterhebung., (Schwanenstadt, 1977), p. 72. Though nothing else remains, there is still
a “von-Jenny-str.” in the town.
227
This arrangement was another remnant of Josephinist marriage laws. Vocelka, Verfassung oder
Konkordat, p. 23.
228
On Dekanate-Conferenzen, see p. 77, above.
 116

in one of ‘its’ cemeteries, though it is unclear whether the von Jenny family was made

aware of the bishop’s position before Fridolin’s death.229

Regardless, Susanna quickly came to know the bishop’s views. But instead of

bowing to the will of the Catholic Church she contacted her son-in-law, Moritz von

Mayfeld, an official in the provincial administration in Ried, to inquire whether there

were other means of proceeding.230 Mayfeld, after researching the legal precedents,

petitioned the Statthalterei in Linz “daß der Verstorbene Morgen auf dem Friedhof zu

Schwannenstadt unbeirrt zur Erde bestattet werden kann.”231 Convinced by his

reasoning, the Statthalterei responded on the same day with a series of orders to the

municipal authorities and the parish priest in Schwanenstadt, as well as the

Bischöfliches Ordinariat in Linz, decreeing that, legally, nothing stood in the way of

the funeral. As Mayfeld had argued in his letter and the Statthalterei now repeated, the

Josephinist cemetery laws of 1788 dictated that in Gemeinden without a separate

cemetery specifically for non-Catholics,232 “die Leichen der Selben in dem daselbst

bestehenden allgemeinen Friedhof zu beerdigen sind, so kann die Beerdigung der

Leiche des Fridolin von Jenny auf dem Friedhofe zu Schwannenstadt nicht verweigert

229
Rudigier to (Eduard v.) Bach, 18 July 1855; and Rudigier to Thun, undated letter (approx. July
1858). Unless stated otherwise, all correspondence relating to the von Jenny case can be found under
the insignia “ad 3521 1855” in OöLA StPr XI F, Sch. 424.
230
Von Mayfeld held the rank of Kreiskomissar 3. Klasse, Kreisbehörde Ried.
231
Emphasis in the original. Von Mayfeld (Kreisamt Ried) to SHL, 23 June 1855. OöLA StPr XI
F, Sch. 424.
232
“Non-Catholics” refers to what Rudigier and his contemporary termed “Akatholiken”:
Christians of a non-Catholic confession. Jews and Moslems were regarded separately; atheists and
members of other religious congregations could not yet legally register those faiths.
 117

werden.”233 Rudigier, incensed, personally sent a higher Church official over to the

Statthalterei to plead his case, to no avail.234

On the next day, Sunday, 24 June — the day after Mayfeld’s request and three

days after Fridolin’s death — the funeral took place. “Die Beerdigung wurde…mit

dem größten Pomp vollzogen,” complained Rudigier, who had received a report from

Reitshammer on the matter, to the Minister for Education and Religion, Leo von Thun

und Hohenstein. It featured “eine ungewöhnlich große Musikkapelle,…auffallend viele

Begleiter” and — what Rudigier found most offensive — “die k.k. Behörden von

Schwannenstadt.”235 Presiding over the events was the Protestant pastor from the

nearby village of Rutzenmoos, who performed the service under the watchful eye of

two gendarmes that had been sent by the Bezirksamt in case Reitshammer and his

supporters tried to interrupt the proceedings. This especially incensed Rudigier:

“Könnte der Kampf und das öffentliche Gedränge größer sein?” he wrote,

so etwas findet sich nicht zufällig zusammen; es war

Vorbereitung, Absicht bei dieser Schaustellung; und gegen wen
war sie gerichtet? Nicht bloß gegen die katholische Kirche,
sondern auch gegen das Ansehen der k.k. Verordnungen, welche
diese Gepränge verbiethen.

Commenting on the use of gendarmes, he added,

233
SHL to Bezirksamt and Pfarramt, Schwanenstadt, 23 June 1855. OöLA StPr XI F Sch. 424.
234
Rudigier to Thun, undated letter (approx. July 1858). OöLA StPr XI F, Sch. 424.
235
Emphasis in the original. Rudigier to Thun, undated letter (approx. July 1858). OöLA StPr XI
F, Sch. 424.
 118

offenbar sollte also die Beerdigung mit Gewalt durchgeführt

werden. Man fühlte wohl, daß man nicht ganz im Rechte sei; man
fürchtete, daß der natürliche Rechtssinn der gekränkten
immensen Majorität zu stark … sich geltend machen könnte.236

For Rudigier, the conspiracy seemed to posses all the trademarks of a liberal local

government bent on using any and all means “als Demonstration gegen die

katholische Kirche.”237 With this last point he was undoubtedly right.

Yet why was the bishop so angry? It was, after all, only a small local affair; the

deceased had married a Catholic and let his daughters be raised in their mother’s

confession; moreover, Fridolin von Jenny was a well-respected businessman with

strong ties to the local community. In a word, he was the type of non-Catholic for

whom the Catholic Church should normally have made an exception. And yet it did

not. Why? First, to begin with the obvious, the Statthalterei’s decision conflicted with

Rudigier’s own feelings on the matter. He placed the laws of the Church – in his view

constant and unchanging – above those of the state and the von Jenny funeral hardly

differed from any other matter in this regard. In his first letter to Eduard Bach on the

von Jenny affair in July 1855 — thus still before the conclusion of the Concordat, in

the negotiations for which Rudigier had only played a tangential role — Rudigier

wrote of the Josephinist cemetery legislation:

Mit dem Inhalte dieses Erlasses kann ich nicht einverstanden

236
Rudigier to (Eduard v.) Bach, 18 July 1855. OöLA StPr XI F, Sch. 424.
237
Emphasis in the original. Rudigier to Thun, undated letter (approx. July 1858). OöLA StPr XI
F, Sch. 424.
 119

sein, weil die Kirchengesetze die Beerdigung eines

Nichtkatholiken auf dem katholischen Friedhof geradezu
verbiethen, und die Beerdigung, unter welche bei der bestehenden
weltlichen Gesetzgebung von den Bischöfen in Österreich
dergleichen Begräbnisse bisher toleriert wurden. Die katholische
Kirche hat nämlich eine höhere Ansicht von einem Gottesacker;
sie setzt derselben in unmittelbarer Beziehung zu den
Glaubenslehre der Gemeinschaft der Heiligen.238

For Rudigier, the ecclesiastical laws were permanent and universal, those of the state

temporary and arbitrary. He saw it as duty to remind the state of its errors at every

opportunity in an attempt to correct its course. Furthermore, he assumed that in the

decade following 1848 the government had an obligation to publicly support the

Catholic Church against the encroaching forces of liberalism. To Rudigier, the

presence of “k.k. Beamten” at the funeral was a significant affront to the position of

the Church within the polity and in society, and called into question the neoabsolutist

alliance between the Catholic Church and the Austrian state in particular.

A second reason for his anger was the blow that the incident delivered to his

fledgling authority as a bishop. As a new and relatively young bishop in Linz — he

took office in 1853 at the age of forty-two and was the diocese’s first bishop of non-

noble descent — Rudigier was still very much in the process of consolidating his

authority within the diocese. Upper Austria was a traditionally more Josephinist

diocese and thus the local priests tended not to question his rulings of the

238
Rudigier to (Eduard v.) Bach, 18 July 1855. OöLA StPr XI F, Sch. 424.
 120

Statthalterei.239 Such seeming complacence did not sit well with a priest who was

brought up in the Ultramontane and anti-liberal milieu of Vorarlberg and the Tyrol.240

The Dekante-Conferenz at which Rudigier presented his case was the first time the

twenty-eight Dekane of the diocese met with their new bishop and thus represented the

first opportunity for Rudigier to speak at length on his philosophy of pastoral practice.

In the conference, he used the von Jenny case to illustrate the need for the Church to

take a much harder line: to forbid whenever possible the burial of Protestants in

Catholic cemeteries. The call for the building of a new Cathedral in the diocese, which

comprised the other big topic at the Dekante-Conferenz, was only two months old and

still seemed an insurmountable enterprise. With the Statthalterei’s decision, Rudigier’s

energy, his drive, his grand schemes, and his whole concept of ecclesiastical

administration was called into question. As he admitted to Thun three years after the

incident, “Ich war demnach vor den Dechanten der ganzen Diözese

kompromittiert.”241

The internal Investigation

The reasoning of the Statthalterei in the matter did rest on solid legal footing.

Cemetery legislation from between 1751 and 1788 was based above all on concerns of

239
On the inner-Church tensions between the Josephinists and anti-Josephinists, see, Weinzierl-
Fischer, "Kirchenfrage," pp. 178-183.
240
Though also Ultramontane in outlook, Rudigier’s predecessor, Gregorius Thomas Ziegler, had
not embarked on a grand reform of the diocese during his tenure as bishop; moreover, his relationship
with the diocese’s secular clergy remained tense. Mayer, katholische Grossmacht; Rudolf Zinnhobler,
ed., Die Bischöfe von Linz, (Linz, 1985).
241
Emphasis in the original. Rudigier to Thun, undated letter (approx. July 1858). OöLA StPr XI
F, Sch. 424.
 121

public hygiene. It decreed that cemeteries be built outside of cities and away from

municipal water supplies. Commune by commune, the government closed existing

cemeteries — first prohibiting new cemeteries next to Churches (1751, 1772 and

1774); then closing those cemeteries altogether (1783); and finally decreeing that all

cemeteries located in populated areas be closed and replaced with communal

cemeteries located outside municipal boundaries (1784).242 The cemeteries that

resulted from these regulations, however, presented a classically Josephinist

conundrum: since a degree of continuity from the old cemetery was assumed, they

mostly retained their confessional (and thus in almost all cases Catholic and exclusive)

nature; at the same time, because they were built using a mixture of Church and state

funds, they also retained a public (and thus universal, inclusive and municipal)

character. The practical aspect of this problem was partially resolved with the 1788

law that Susanna von Jenny’s son-in-law, von Mayfeld, cited in his legal brief to the

Statthalterei:

Einzelne Einwohner einer solchen Religion, die bei einer

Gemeinde mit keinem Friedhof versehen ist, sollen in dem
vorhandenen Gottesacker anderer Religionen begraben werden;
und der nächste Geistliche der Religion, zu welcher der
Verstorbene sich bekennet hat, müsse die Funktion verrichten.243

242
See, “Friedhöfe,” in, Mischler and Ulbrich, Österreichisches Staatswörterbuch, vol. II, pp. 150-
154.
243
Hofdekret from 12 August 1788. Handbuch aller unter der Regierung des Kaisers Joseph des
II. für die K.K. Erbländer ergangenen Verordnungen und Gesetze in einer Sistematischen Verbindung.
Enthält die Verordnungen und Gesetze vom Jahre 1788, vol. 15, (Vienna, 1789), p. 945.
 122

Although a 1832 law somewhat tightened the burial rules for Protestants in Catholic

communal cemeteries,244 in the 1840s and especially after 1848, communities

increasingly began to assert control over what they saw as their cemeteries.

In the face of Rudigier’s confrontational tone, the Statthalterei became unsure

of itself — especially since the Statthalter, Eduard Bach, had been away during the

crucial days in June — and began a frantic evaluation of existing laws and practices:

what laws currently governed cemeteries? What practices were in effect in the

different communities of Upper Austria? What was common practice in

Schwanenstadt? And exactly how far from Schwanenstadt was the closest Protestant

community with a cemetery? From the beginning, it was the state that remained at a

disadvantage in gathering this information: births and deaths, marriages and baptisms

were registered in each parish with the priest. Under Joseph II, this arrangement was

preferred because it both saved money and integrated the Church administration more

closely into the workings of the state. In the 1850s and especially after the 1855

Concordat, an increasingly independent Catholic Church presented an additional

administrative hurdle for state officials. The control of important state documents

remained under very real Church control.

244
The 1832 law reaffirmed that, although the 1781 Toleranz-Patent of Joseph II permitted the
worship of other, recognized religions, “der Vorzug des öffentlichen Religions Excercitii aber blos der
katholischen Religion eingeräumt wurde.” In Catholic cemeteries this meant no sermons during the
funeral, which was not standard practice among Austrian Catholics in the nineteenth century, nor any
forms of singing. Regierungsdekret from 26 October 1832, Z. 28241. k.k. ob der ennsischen
Landesregierung, Sammlung der politischen Gesetze und Verordnungen für das Erzherzogthum
Oesterreich ob der Enns und das Herzogthum Salzburg, vol. 10 (Verordnungen 1. Jän. bis 31. Dez
1828), (Linz, 1832), pp. 340-342.
 123

Even the answer to the first question — what laws governed cemeteries in

general? — turned out to be more muddled than the Statthalterei had hoped for.

Joseph II’s laws were certainly the foundation, but each cemetery also had its own

Friedhofsordnung — a document usually issued jointly by the Church and the local

commune — which regulated local practice. In the case of Schwanenstadt, the

Statthalterei came up empty, but an investigation of existing practices there turned up

eight other non-Catholics, “auf dem katholischen Friedhofe zu Schwannenstadt durch

den Pastor zu Rutzenmoos beerdigt,” including one “Johann Jenny,

Mouselinfabriksdirektor,” who died in 1832.245 Meanwhile, the closest Protestant

cemetery was in Rutzenmoos, a small town another eleven kilometers southwest of

Schwanenstadt.246 Finally, the established practice seemed to have been that while

non-Catholic residents of Schwanenstadt were buried in the local cemetery, other non-

Catholics — Protestants who died in Schwanenstadt while visiting or traveling

through — were taken to Rutzenmoos to be buried.247

Further confusion stemmed from the liberal legislation issued in 1848.

Protestants lived in small numbers in communities throughout Upper Austria and

many were buried in their local (ostensibly Catholic) cemeteries. In an effort to

245
Neither Susanna von Jenny nor the municipal administration in Schwanenstadt mentioned a
Johann Jenny in their correspondence. It is probable that he was a brother or other relative of Fridolin’s
who helped run the factory. Eight non-Catholics were buried in the local cemetery in the fifty years
preceeding the von Jenny case. The last funeral had taken place in 1846. Gemeinde Schwanenstadt to
SHL, 12 January 1856. OöLA StPr XI F, Sch. 424.
246
This is my own measurement. In the correspondence between Church and government officials,
there was much disagreement on this point.
247
Gemeinde Schwanenstadt to Kreisvorstehung Wels, 10 August 1855. OöLA StPr XI F, Sch.
424.
 124

demonstrate the provincial government’s tolerance toward ‘its’ Protestant citizens,

Alois Fischer, the short-lived liberal Statthalter from 1848-1851, issued a decree

organizing the province’s Protestants into proper parishes, giving them the semblance

of an official status. Under that decree, the community in Schwanenstadt, a town of

about 5,000 people which included sixty Protestants, was assigned to the parish in the

aforementioned village of Rutzenmoos, population under 500 – though almost all of

them were Protestants. In the von Jenny case, Rudigier now cited the same

Verordnung über die Einpfarrung der in der Provinz Österreich ob der Enns und

Salzburg wohnenden akatholischen Glaubensgenossen zu bestimmten Bethhäusern in

order to cleanse all not-officially-integrated cemeteries in Upper Austria of their non-

Catholics bodies.248 Since all Protestants in the region were members of an existing

parish, he argued, it was there rather than in their local municipal (Catholic) cemetery

that they should be buried.

The Priest

To understand why the von Jenny case rather than another came to the bishop’s

attention also requires us to turn our attention to the priest in Schwanenstadt, Jakob

Reitshammer. Reitshammer was no ordinary member of the lower clergy, destined to

spend his years a parish priest. Rudigier and he had studied together at the elite

Frintaneum in Vienna in 1839. After receiving his doctorate in theology, Reitshammer

returned to Upper Austria to work at the Stadtpfarre in Linz and teach at the seminary.

248
Verordnung über die Einpfarrung der in der Provinz Österreich ob der Enns und Salzburg
wohnended akatholische Glaubensgenossen zu bestimmten Bethhäuser, issued 17 January 1849. Fischer
took office on 1 January of the same year. The decree can be found inside a letter from Rudigier to
Kreil, 23 June 1858. OöLA StPr XI F, Sch. 424.
 125

His posting in Schwanenstadt between 1853 and 1856 can be seen as a ‘standard’

interlude of practical training (he continued his teaching duties throughout) before

again returning to Linz to take on a higher position in the diocese administration.

Indeed, soon after the incident with von Jenny, Rudigier called on Reitshammer to

lead the effort in organizing the post-Concordat ecclesiastical marriage courts

(Ehegerichte)249 and the school oversight boards. Unlike his two predecessors in the

parish, who each served long terms as priest in the parish,250 Reitshammer suspected

his stay would be short and was thus more interested in demonstratively defending the

interests of the Church than in maintaining harmony among his parishioners. While his

predecessors regularly let the Protestant priest from Rutzenmoos preside over funerals

without a fuss, Reitshammer instead brought the von Jenny case to Rudigier’s

attention.

Concepts of Community

Fridolin von Jenny’s burial took place at a time when the Catholic Church

faced increasing scrutiny of its policies in the wake of the Concordat. On the issue of

cemeteries and burial practices, public outrage became especially pronounced after

Cardinal Rauscher, Bishop Ignaz Feigerle of St. Pölten, and Rudigier jointly issued a

pastoral letter in February 1856, which sought to clarify Church policy in light of the

Concordat. The bishops wrote,

249
Under the Concordat, all matters relating to Catholic marriages were heard in an ecclesiastical
rather than secular court.
250
Reitshammer’s two predecessors, Norbert Petermandl (1817-42) and Simon Pumberger (1843-
53), both died in office. Dannerbauer, General-Schematismus, p. 174.
 126

der katholische Pfarrer [hat] bei dem Leichenbegräbniße eines

Akatholiken in keiner Weise mitzuwirken: er darf also nicht
gestatten, daß die Glocken des katholischen Gotteshauses
geläutet werden; er muß jede Zumuthung ablehnen, die Leiche,
sei es auch ohne Zeichen seinen kirchlichen Amtes, zu begleiten
und dadurch den Schein anzunehmen, als übe er bei einem nicht
katholischen Christen eine seelsorgerliche Amthandlung. In
Gegenden, wo akatholische Gemeinden bestehen und dieselben
einen eigenen Friedhof besitzen, ist in keinem Fall zu gestatten,
daß ein Akatholik auf dem katholischen Gottesacker beerdigt
werde.251

Whereas Josephinist law had sought to unify the parish and the commune — both are

‘Gemeinde’ in German —, the bishops now aggressively sought to separate the two.

In a rare show of public disagreement in the 1850s, a series of articles appeared

in the state-run Wiener Zeitung attacking the pastoral letter. In the articles, the authors

avoid the use of “Gemeinde” at all costs, instead emphasizing the municipality

(Ortschaft) as the central organizing principle for cemeteries. Juxtaposing the

Concordat and the pastoral letter of Rauscher with Josephinist legislation, they

commented,

die Gesetzgebung Kaiser Josephs II...ging von dem ganz

entgegengesetzten Gesichtspunkt aus, daß die Errichtung
gemeinsamer Friedhöfe für Katholiken und Akatholiken zu
begünstigen sei.... Sie gestattete ferner den Akatholiken, sich bei
Begräbniße ihrer Glaubensgenossen des katholischen Geläutes zu

251
Pastoral letter from 25 February 1852. OöLA StPr XI F, Sch. 424.
 127

bedienen und legte dem katholischen Seelsorger, wenn kein

akatholischer im Orte oder in der Nähe desselben war, den
Zwang auf, die Leiche des Akatholiken zu Grabe zu geleiten.252

After the Concordat and even well into the 1870s, the Catholic Church refused to

move from its position and conflicts between the local authorities and the Church over

who could be buried in a local cemetery continued. Even as late as 1876, the parish

priest in Braunau, a medium-sized town along the Austro-Bavarian border, refused the

burial of a prominent liberal and Protestant, Jakob Schönthaler, along the same

grounds.253

The Tombstone

The von Jenny case, however, did not end with Fridolin’s funeral and the

Church’s demarche. Knowing that the funeral had taken place before the final signing

of the Concordat, Susanna von Jenny, no doubt spurred on as much by her liberal

compatriots as by her own anger, decided to take the matter one step farther: she asked

that a tombstone be placed on her husband’s grave. In October of 1856, over a year

after the funeral had taken place, Susanna wrote to the Statthalterei complaining, “das

hiesige Pfarramt will, unter Berufung auf den neuen Begräbnis-Vorschriften, zu

252
Wiener Zeitung, 6-8 June 1856. The diocese filed copies under DAL CA/10, Fasz. L25, Sch.
26.
253
Just as in the von Jenny case, however, the local administration fought the Church and won.
Schönthaler was a prominent merchant and a leader of the Protestant community. Bezirkshauptmann
Braunau to SHL, 9 April 1876. OöLA StPr XI F, Sch. 425. As the Pfarrchronik Braunau records, he
was buried “mit Gewalt” in the local cemetery. (Emphasis in the original). Cited in, Slapnicka,
Politische Führungsschicht, p. 195.
 128

meiner unaussprechlichen Kränkung, dies nicht dulden.”254 The Statthalterei was in

no mood to again quarrel with the Bischöfliches Ordinariat, however, and, after a

rather half-hearted inquiry, replied that a gravestone “nach den kirchlichen

Bestimmungen nicht zulässig ist.”255 Susanna did not let the matter rest, even as she

was turned down at each successive appeal.256

Finally, in April 1858, she wrote to the only figure in Austria that still stood

above both church and state: the emperor. In her letter to Francis Joseph, she retold the

story of Fridolin’s death, the funeral, the treatment she received at the hands of her

Church (she was, after all, Catholic), the distance to the Protestant cemetery

Rutzenmoos, and the cemetery laws of 1788. She then pointed out that both her

husband’s death and the funeral had taken place before the signing of the Concordat

and thus should not be subject to its provisions, and, moreover, that the laws of 1788

permitted Protestants to mark their grave with “das ihrer Religion entsprechende

Zeichen — ein Kreutz, einen Stein.” Just as importantly, she added, her father and

grandfather, both Protestant, were buried with gravestones in the same cemetery.

Protestants in Vienna and elsewhere seemed to have no trouble receiving their last

rights in local cemeteries, “nur im Kronlande Österreich ob der Enns scheint man eine

254
Von Jenny to SHL, 20 October 1856. OöLA StPr XI F, Sch. 424.
255
SHL to Bezirksvorsteher, Schwanenstadt, 24 October 1856. OöLA StPr XI F, Sch. 424.
256
By April 1857 the matter had made it to the Ministry for Religion and Education in Vienna. See
Thun to SHL, 5 April 1857. OöLA StPr XI F, Sch. 424.
 129

Ausnahme davon machen.” The Church, she concluded, was overstepping its

jurisdiction and the laws of the state were being treated disrespectfully.257

Emperor Francis Joseph dutifully read the complaint, wrote a short note, and

delegated the matter to his Minister for Religion and Education, Leo von Thun und

Hohenstein. Thun now began a new — the third — investigation into the matter. As in

1855, the ministry turned up many of the same documents and soon faced the same

problems and questions as the Statthalterei three years earlier. In its final decision,

however, the ministry could count on the only unquestionable source of law in the

Monarchy, the emperor, who finally ruled personally on the matter:

Wiewohl die katholische Kirche der kirchlichen Autorität

unterstehen, so hege Ich doch zu den Bischöfen das volle
Vertrauen, daß sie dabei nicht anders als mit billiger Erwägung
aller Verhältnisse und Rücksichten vorgehen werden. Sie haben
also der Witwe Susanna v. Jenny bedeuten zu lassen, daß sie
wegen des Denkmals, welches sie ihrem verstorbenen Gatten auf
dem Kirchhoffe zu Schwannenstadt zu setzen wünscht, sich an den
Bischof von Linz noch einmal geziemend zu wenden habe, und
über den Erfolg Mir seiner Zeit zu berichten.

Thun passed the emperor’s decision on to the Statthalterei in Linz, which in turn

passed it on to Susanna. Thun added that he had been in contact with the Bishop of

Linz, who now declared himself willing to allow the gravestone on the condition that

it can contain only the name and the dates of birth and death. To Susanna von Jenny,

Thun stressed that the bishop’s approval very much depended on whether she

257
Von Jenny to Franz Josef, OöLA StPr XI F, Sch. 424.
 130

presented her request “wirklich in geziemender Weise ... und ihre Bitte auf das Maß

beschränke, in welchem der Bischof sie bewilligen kann.” Cognizant of the tense

mood in Schwanenstadt, Thun added,

Was aber der Schonung der kirchlichen Autorität anbelangt, so

wird es sich abgesehen von dem anständigen Benehmen der
Bestellerin, insbesondere darauf ankommen hintan zu halten, was
den Anschein verbreiten könnte, als handle der Bischof nicht aus
freier Selbstbestimmung, oder was den Verlauf der Sache als
einen Sieg über den Bischof in den Augen des gläubigen Volkes
erscheinen lassen könnte.258

Nevertheless, Rudigier had ‘lost’ and it is doubtful that this fact was lost on anyone in

Schwanenstadt. A few weeks later Susanna indeed wrote to the Bischöfliches

Consistorium with a flurry of predilections, asking for permission to erect a

gravestone, to which Rudigier replied with a rather cold, short letter asking for its

exact dimensions. Susanna held to her end of the bargain — small, with only name

and dates of birth and death — and Rudigier finally approved.259

* * *

Although Susanna won her case, it was not without consequences for the

Catholic Church or its opponents. For the Church, small challenges like this only

served to heighten its resolve in enforcing the Concordat with a vigor and attention to

258
Thun to (Eduard v.) Bach, 8 June 1859. OöLA StPr XI F, Sch. 424.
259
All correspondence from July 1859. OöLA StPr XI F, Sch. 424.
 131

detail that regularly led to liberal protests well into the 1860s.260 Four years later, for

example, when August von Jenny, the only son of Susanna and Fridolin and, like his

father, a Protestant, died, Susanna again wrote her son-in-law Moritz von Mayfeld.

This time, however, the response from the Church came swiftly and effectively:

August was buried in Rutzenmoos.261 For liberals, however, such incidents – and they

were not isolated – meant that a portion of the anti-clerical laws in May 1868 had to

focus on cemeteries:

Keine Religionsgemeinde kann der Leiche eines ihr nicht

Angehörigen die anständige Beerdigung auf ihrem Friedhof
verweigern:

1. wenn es sich um die Bestattung in einem Familiengrabe

handelt, oder wenn

2. da, wo der Todesfall eintrat oder die Leiche gefunden wurde,

im Umkreis der Ortsgemeinde ein für Genossen der Kirche
oder Religionsgenossenschaft der Verstorbenen bestimmter
Friedhof sich nicht befindet.262

Both provisions — on the importance of familial precedence and especially the more

precise wording of Ortsgemeinde rather than Gemeinde — seem tailor-made for the

von Jenny case. Even with this new legislation, however, the ‘cemetery question’ was

260
Indeed, the issue of protestant burials regularely came up in the Ministerrat. See, for example,
Heindl, ed., Protokolle Buol-Schauenstein, Bd. 3, p. 321; Waltraud Heindl, ed., Die Protokolle des
Österreichischen Ministerrates. III. Abteilung. Das Ministerium Buol-Schauenstein, vol. 4: 23.
Dezember 1854 - 12. April 1856, (Vienna, 1987), pp. 305-306.
261
Von Jenny to von Mayfeld, 17 September 1863; and BO to SHL, 17 September 1863. OöLA
StPr XI F, Sch. 424.
262
RGBl. 49, 25 May 1868, pp. 99-102. See, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, ANNO, [cited.
 132

far from over, and in many if not most municipalities, a legal battle between the local

government and the Church continued for many years to come.263

* * *

This chapter has focused on two examples to demonstrate the conflict between

the Catholic Church and local liberals in the 1850s. The decade was both progressive

and reactionary in character, which meant that an ostensible political conservatism and

close attachment to the Catholic Church mingled with strong centralizing,

rationalizing, progressive and reformist tendencies within the state. Local liberal elites

where able to use these inconsistencies to their advantage, presenting a ‘modern’

democratic and rational concept of society that squarely conflicted with that of the

Church. In the case of hospitals, an older concept of health care that seemed infused

with Catholic ideals of an organic society, began to give way to a more ‘modern’

medical sensibility, with patients separated by both disease and social class. In the

conflict over Fridolin von Jenny’s burial, two concepts of community — of Gemeinde

in its political and religious connotation — came into conflict. Here, the democratic

and multi-confessional ideals of the political community came up against the hubris of

a Church seeking to consolidate its power in the aftermath of the Concordat. This

difference between the hospitals and cemeteries is important: if the conflict over

263
See, for example, “Zur Welser Friedhof-Frage,” Linzer Volksblatt, 7 August 1886, as well as
Helmuth Pree, Die St. Barbara-Gottesacker Stiftung in Linz. Ihre rechtsgeschichtliche Entwicklung,
(Linz, 2000).
 133

hospitals emerged as a simple question of old and new — or, better, of ‘outdated’ and

‘modern’ — then the conflict over Fridolin von Jenny’s grave demonstrates that the

Church was also in the process of remaking itself, of instilling new ideals —

Ultramontane and stridently independent from any political order — among both its

clergy and its parishioners. Both conflicts thus show not only the often hidden liberal-

clerical conflict of the 1850s but also the increasing self-confidence of a Church trying

to re-invent itself in an Ultramontane and post-Josephinist manner.

 134

Interlude: The Kulturkampf in Upper Austria, 1860-1874

Before delving into the next two chapters, it makes sense to present a brief

overview of church-state and conservative-liberal conflict in Upper Austria during the

1860s and 70s. The military defeat suffered by the Habsburg Monarchy against France

at Solferino in 1859 severely weakened the power base of the neoabsolutist regime.

Over the course of the 1860s, liberals began to systematically take advantage of this

weakness, asserting greater control in both provincial and national affairs. The

October Diploma of 1860 reestablished the provincial Diets and allotted them much

leeway in managing their own affairs. Although the February Patent of 1861

subsequently dampened these powers, the restoration of the Diets nevertheless gave

liberals a powerful platform for articulating their views. A second military defeat, at

Königgrätz (Hrádec Kralové) to Prussia in 1866, then led to the state structure that

would subsequently accompany the Dual Monarchy until its demise after the First

World War: Dualism. The dualist arrangement (Ausgleich) of 1867 created “Austrian”

and “Hungarian” halves within the Monarchy, joined only by a common ruler, and

common ministries of foreign affairs, war and finance. In Cisleithania, the Monarchy’s

western half, liberals quickly assumed control of the government. More importantly, a

new Austrian Basic Law (Grundgesetz) came into being that same year – also known

as the December Constitution – which brought with it a constitutional monarchy with

 135

two parliamentary houses, an independent judiciary, and the equality of all citizens

and recognized confessions before the law.

For the Catholic Church, such measures had severe repercussions. Equality for

all citizens and confessions meant that the privileged position of the Roman Catholic

Church was under attack. The new liberal government began to use its powers

immediately, passing a series of anti-clerical laws in May of 1868 that explicitly

sought to remove any remaining privileges of the Catholic Church. The so-called

‘May Laws’ removed elementary and secondary education from control of the

Catholic Church, placing both under state supervision; they reaffirmed the equality of

all religious bodies and the legal possibility of civil marriage for Catholics, and, as

already mentioned above, they regulated burial practices. The 1867 Basic Law and the

1868 May Laws quickly became objects of clerical scorn: The liberal government

seemed to desire nothing less than the Church’s “comprehensive humiliation,”

commented the Catholic-conservative Vaterland.264

A second set of laws in 1874 went even further. These reversed the liberal

principles of religious equality enshrined in the 1867 Basic Law and 1868 May Laws

and reestablished a series of state controls and restraints over the activities of the

Catholic Church. In doing so, the liberal government argued that a complete

separation of church and state in Austria would turn the Catholic Church into a private

society, leaving it wholly outside government control, which was a much too

dangerous fate for so powerful a social institution. Rather than a return to Josephinism,

264
Quoted in, Okey, Habsburg Monarchy, p. 211.
 136

however, these laws were designed to limit the scope of the Catholic Church’s

activities while granting it large freedoms within what the government considered the

Church’s sphere of influence: religious teachings and services, Church laws and its

constitution, discipline of the clergy, control of its rituals, and jurisdiction over the

priestly seminaries — i.e., ‘internal’ affairs — were to remain outside of state

jurisdiction; the appointment of new priests and bishops, the publication of pastoral

letters or encyclicals, and – most importantly – the administration of the Josephinist

Religionsfond from which priests were paid and parishes financed, were deemed

‘external’ affairs and required state oversight and approval.265 Karl von Stremayr, the

Minister for Religion and Education at the time of the legislation, commented aptly

that while it was not in the state’s interest to create a ‘second’ bureaucracy, the

government also sought to prevent, “daß aus den Dienern Gottes Mandatare der

staatsrechtlichen Opposition werden.”266

It is also important to emphasize that the conflict between church and state in

Austria was by no means unique; rather, it was part of a greater European reorientation

in which both parties — the Catholic Church and the liberal state — sought to reorient

the Church’s role in society and the polity. Indeed, similar conflicts were well

underway in Italy, Spain, France and parts of Germany – as well as in the Hungarian

half of the Monarchy – and these parallel developments gave both sides immense

265
The government’s very interesting Motivenbericht on the 1874 laws can be found in, Georg
Franz, Kulturkampf. Staat und katholische Kirche in Mitteleuropa von der Säkularisierung bis zum
Beschluß des preussischen Kulturkampfes, (Munich, 1954), pp. 148-149. Also see the analysis in,
Vocelka, Verfassung oder Konkordat, pp. 170-176.
266
Quoted in, Franz, Kulturkampf, p. 151.
 137

feelings of international solidarity.267 Liberal anti-clericals argued that countries began

“to progress at an amazing rate as soon as they freed themselves from clerical tutelage

(geistliche Vormundschaft),” whereas in Naples and other states, where the clergy had

ruled until recently, “the inhabitants are stuck fathoms deep in superstition, ignorance,

sloth,…and destitution.”268 Both the escalation of the Kulturkampf in Bismarck’s

Germany after 1871 and the March on Rome by the Italian government in 1870 —

which left Pope Pius IX a “prisoner of the Vatican” — were events intensely

experienced in Upper Austria, providing much of the ideological and verbal fodder for

the Kulturkampf there. Indeed, the image of Pius IX ‘trapped’ within the encroaching

liberal Italian state served as a consolidating metaphor for a whole generation of

Catholics who saw the pope’s suffering as both a symbol and an extension of their

own plight.

This national and international constellation provided an auspicious backdrop as

the Kulturkampf ‘arrived’ in Upper Austria. In the spring of 1869, the Upper Austrian

Diet began discussing how to implement the 1868 May Laws on schools, marriages,

and confessional equality in the province. Rudigier, as bishop, was an automatic

267
On the interconnections of the various Kulturkämpfe in Europe in the late-nineteenth century,
see, Christopher Clark, "The New Catholicism and the European Culture Wars," in Culture Wars:
Secular-Catholic Conflict in Nineteenth-Century Europe, ed. Christopher Clark and Wolfram Kaiser,
(Cambridge, 2003).
268
“Vor der Geschichte – und vor Gott,” Morgen-Post,
18 October 1867, p. 1. Cited in, Alan W. France, "Kulturkampf in Austria: The Vaterland Circle
and the Struggle over the Confessional Legislation of May, 1868" (Ph.D. Dissertation, Rice University,
1975), p. 48.
 138

member of that body,269 and as each new piece of legislation was submitted, the

arguments between the bishop and liberal parliamentarians grew more agitated,

especially over the schools question. To this one must add two further factors: First,

the founding of the Liberal-Politischer Verein and the conservative Katholisch-

Patriotische Casino in Linz in 1869/70, which, though they should not be thought of

as full-fledged political parties, nevertheless gave each side a new organizational

platform from which to operate. And, second, the launching of the Catholic daily

Linzer Volksblatt in January 1869, which meant that the political deliberations of the

Diet were much more widely circulated. Unlike in past years, when the Diet had only

been covered by the liberal Tages-Post, founded in 1865, conservative Catholics now

had their own powerful public pulpit from which to comment on the proceedings.

In the midst of this strained political climate, Upper Austria experienced three

provincial elections in quick succession between July 1870 and December 1871. The

first of these, held in July of 1870, was critical in merging discontent ‘from below’

with abstract politics ‘from above.’ Different streams and movements – anti-clerical,

anti-liberal, anti-state, anti-Josephinist – having first come together in the liberal

Verein and conservative Casino, now began to resemble political blocs as delegates

sided with either one or the other association. The liberal press attacked the Statthalter

Hohenwart for his increasingly conservative views while the clericals were taunted as

Ultramontane sheep in a papal flock. (The election took place just weeks prior to the

269
Many bishops in the Habsburg Monarchy enjoyed an unelected “Virilstimme” in “their”
provincial Diet.
 139

final vote on infallibility in Rome).270 Yet in their first truly organized election, the

Catholic-conservatives did well, gaining thirteen seats, mostly in rural communes, so

that the Diet now had twenty Catholic-conservatives sitting opposite thirty liberals.271

The second election, held in September 1871, came about as a result of political

maneuvering in Vienna. In 1871, the more conservative and federalist Hohenwart,

fresh from his tenure as Statthalter of Upper Austria, was asked to form a new

government there.272 Within the space of a few months, the new government dutifully

dissolved provincial Diets with liberal majorities and called for new elections. In the

midst of the resulting confusion, a well-organized Catholic-conservative faction using

more modern electoral tactics and enjoying quite a bit of luck, took power from the

unprepared liberal camp in the Diet for the first time since it was reconstituted in

1860. When the Diet opened, twenty-nine clericals sat opposite twenty-one liberals.273

The latter party, incensed, declared the election and its resulting Diet illegal.274 When,

in November 1871, the government in Vienna changed hands for the second time that

270
Slapnicka, Christlichsoziale, p. 37.
271
For an overview of elections and seat distributions, see, Table 2, above. Until 1909, the Upper
Austrian electorate was divided into four curia: rural (Landgemeinden) (19 seats), urban (Städte) (17
seats), chamber of commerce (Handelskammer) (3 seats), the noble landowners (Großgrundbesitz) (10
seats), and the bishop (1 seat). The clericals tended to win the rural seats, the liberals the urban seats and
the chamber of commerce. Thus all hinged on the nobility. Slapnicka, Oberösterreich unter Kaiser
Franz Joseph, p. 78.
272
Hohenwart had been a leading figure in organizing the Upper Austrian Großgrundbesitz and
was even elected to the Diet from that curia in the 1870 elections. Slapnicka, Politische
Führungsschicht, pp. 116-117.
273
At the time of the September 1871 elections, the noble curia went conservative while the
chamber of commerce was in organizational disarray. Internal squabbling prevented the chamber from
choosing a new leader and three delegates for the Diet. Slapnicka, Oberösterreich unter Kaiser Franz
Joseph, p. 158.
274
Slapnicka, Oberösterreich unter Kaiser Franz Joseph, p. 158.
 140

year – this time headed by the liberal Prince Adolf Auersperg – the liberals used the

same tactics to dissolve provincial Diets dominated by Catholic-conservatives,

including Upper Austria. In these new elections, held December 1871, liberals

regained control of the noble curia and thus of the Diet as a whole; the resulting Diet

consisted of nineteen Catholic-conservatives and thirty-one liberals.

These next two chapters will focus on this conflict between liberals and the

Catholic Church from opposite angles. The first chapter explores how priests fared in

the new liberal system. It will explore two sensationalist trials — the well-known trial

of Bishop Rudigier from 1869 and the lesser-known libel trial of the Carmelite monk

Gabriel Gady in 1872 — as well as a number of less-publicized proceedings involving

lower clergy in the years after 1872. The chapter will explore how Catholic priests

perceived the state and how they fared within the state’s machinery – the court system.

The second chapter, Chapter Four then turns this model on its head, by focusing on

how liberals — liberal Catholics, that is — fared within the machinery of the Catholic

Church. Here the focus is on that group of dissenting (and overwhelmingly politically

liberal) Catholics who refused to accept the dogma of infallibility in 1871 and tried to

form the Old Catholic movement in those same years.

 141

Chapter Four. Trials of the Clergy, 1868-1874

This chapter will focus on the years from 1868 to 1874 in Upper Austria,

examining how Austrian Kulturkampf made itself felt in the province. The first part

examines the most notorious trials: the Rudigier trial, in which the Bishop of Linz was

sentenced to a fortnight in jail after one of his pastoral letters was found to incite

resistance to the law; and, second, the Gady trial of 1872, in which Pater Gabriel

Gady, a Carmelite monk, sued the liberal Linzer Tages-Post after the paper accused

him of taking advantage of a young girl in a confessional. Both trials are important in

understanding how the dynamics of the Kulturkampf became rooted in local

experience and how liberals and clericals sought new modes of behavior to defend

their interests. The second part then switches gears from the sensationalist to the

everyday, examining fourteen trials involving members of the lower clergy, many of

which were not covered in the press at all. This part examines how the sensationalist

trials affected the behavior of the priests. Did the priests follow certain strategies of

legal or political action? What can these trials tell us about how the often abstract

political conflict between church and state translated to the local level, to the small

town?
 142

The Rudigier Trial (1869)

On 12 July 1869, a jury in Upper Austria convicted Franz Josef Rudigier, bishop

of Linz, of disturbing the public peace; the judge set the sentence at fourteen days in

jail. The incriminating evidence consisted of a pastoral letter, written September 1868,

in which the bishop had protested the passage of the anti-clerical May Laws of the

same year. Both the trial and its resulting sentence became a media spectacle of

European if not global dimensions (even Australian newspapers covered the trial). The

trial was an important first in a number of ways: it was the first arrest, trial and

conviction of an Austrian bishop in recent memory, the first expressly political trial of

a member of the clergy in Upper Austria since the liberal constitution of 1867, and the

first trial by jury of any kind in Upper Austria since the liberal judicial reforms of

1869 instated the procedure. Both the liberal government in Vienna and the local

justice system thus had a great deal of interest in the trial.

The Pastoral Letter

The incident began with Rudigier’s pastoral letter dated 7 September 1868,

which sharply criticized the May Laws in blunt but by no means unusual language.

The letter was structured in two parts: the first explained the laws themselves in what

was, for Rudigier, relatively restrained language. The second half then tackled the

question “wie katholische Christen in Betreff derselben zu denken und zu handeln

haben?” and here Rudigier attacked the reforms more directly. He emphasized the

dual nature of power — temporal and spiritual —, which existed independently of one

another. The 1855 Concordat, the document that regulated this relationship in
 143

Habsburg Monarchy, remained binding, he argued, and could not be rendered invalid

by new state laws without the consent of the other party, the Vatican. For Catholics, he

continued, the Concordat thus remained in force: the Church’s marriage laws still

applied; a civil marriage involving a Catholic remained immoral and could not be

condoned under any circumstances; state oversight of the school system would

invariably lead to the secularization of the youth; and cemeteries were and would

remain Catholic, subject only to the secular authorities in matters of building codes

and hygiene ordinances. Rudigier’s pastoral letter couched these arguments in a

confrontational language that shocked liberal officials not used to such displays.275

What at first angered the authorities was the tone that insinuated the May Laws

were heretical lies. Rudigier – and this was cited at every juncture of the unfolding

investigation – began his letter with a quote from Cor. 2.11: “But I fear, lest by any

means, as the serpent beguiled Eve through his subtlety, so your minds should be

corrupted away from the simplicity that is in Christ.”276 The serpent, Rudigier

continued, was the original father of lies, whose purpose it was “Gläubige der

christlichen Wahrheit zu entfremden.” It was in this context that Rudigier mentioned

the May Laws, “in welchen die Lüge ihre ganze Kraft erprobt.” For liberals, this was a

direct attack on the authority of the state, proof that the Catholic Church meant to use

its moral voice to undermine the legitimate power of the state.

275
On this point, see the excellent, Gerhart Marckhgott, "Der Hirtenbrief Bischof Rüdigers vom
Herbst 1868 zum Konkordatsbruch," Neues Archiv für die Geschichte der Diözese Linz (1993/1994). It
is important to remember that the pastoral letter remained sealed and unavailable to the public during
until well after the proceedings had ended. See below, p. 147.
276
All biblical quotations are taken from, Bruce M. Metzger and Roland E. Murphy, eds., The New
Oxford Annotated Bible, (New York, 1991).
 144

On their own, Rudigier’s sentiments did not fall outside the mainstream of

Catholic discourse in the Monarchy around 1868. Even Pope Pius IX had jumped into

the fray, issuing an allocution in June of that year, which strongly condemned those

who drafted the Austrian legislation while praising those bishops who actively spoke

out against it.277 Indeed, a fair number of bishops were already publicly and privately

protesting the laws. The bishop of Brünn (Brno), Anton von Schaaffgotsche, had

written in the clerical Das Vaterland just weeks after passage of the laws that,

the new civil marriage law can in no way supercede canonical

law regarding the marriage. The rules and regulations prescribed
by the Church continue to be the standards of conduct which the
Catholic is to observe in this matter.278

In a similar vein, Bishop Joseph Feßler of St. Pölten had remarked that the Concordat

remained ecclesiastical and state law, regardless of the present legislation;279 Cardinal

Rauscher in Vienna had sharply criticized the new legislation;280 and the emperor

never signed the laws.281 Indeed, by the time he wrote the infamous pastoral letter,

Rudigier had himself already twice commented on the legislation himself, writing at

one point,

Wenn Staatsgesetze kommen sollten..., die mit dem Dogma in

277
Vaterland, 25 June 1868. Cited in Celerin, "österreichische Katholikentage,” p. 15.
278
Vaterland, 11 June 1868. Cited in France, "Kulturkampf in Austria,” p. 159-161.
279
Vaterland, 6 June 1868. Cited in Celerin, "österreichische Katholikentage,” p. 14.
280
Vaterland, 25 June 1868. Cited in Celerin, "österreichische Katholikentage,” p. 15.
281
Judson, Exclusive Revolutionaries, p. 133.
 145

Widerspruch sind..., so muß die Kirche kraft ihres von Gott

erhaltenen Berufes mit allen Mitteln denselben entgegentreten
und darf sie nicht beobachten.282

And in a second article, he emphasized that “die Gesetze der Kirche … nach wie vor

in voller Kraft bleiben.“283 Comparing Rudigier’s statement to that of Schaaffgotsche,

it is evident that even if the message was largely similar, Rudigier’s tone was

definitely more contentious. However, for those well acquainted with Catholic-

conservative discourse on the matter, Rudigier’s pastoral letter certainly would not

have seemed out of the ordinary.

Yet while his writings fell into the mainstream of Catholic-conservative

criticism, his actions served to set him apart from his peers. Over the course of 1868,

Rudigier had become involved in a series of well-publicized run-ins with both the

liberal press and the state. He developed a reputation among liberal commentators as,

“der Percy-Heißsporn unter den Ultramontanen, der Brunner unter den

Kirchenfürsten.”284 In January 1868, he had reprimanded the editors of the two main

regional liberal dailies — the Linzer Tages-Post and the Welser Anzeiger — for their

282
Emphasis added. Vaterland, 13 May 1868. Cited in Celerin, "österreichische Katholikentage,”
p. 11.
283
Vaterland, 23 June 1868. Cited in Celerin, "österreichische Katholikentage,” p. 15. Rudigier
made similar comments in the Upper Austrian press as well. See, for example, “Wortlaut der
sogenannten confessionellen Gesetze vom 25. Mai 1868. Diesfällige Erklärungen und Weisungen,”
Linzer Diözesanblatt, 12 June 1868, p. 127; Franz Josef Rudigier, "Hirtenbrief und Weisungen des
hochwürdigsten Herrn Bischofs von Linz," in Der Bischof von Linz und der Bischof von St. Pölten und
die neue Aera, (Vienna, 1868); Franz Josef Rudigier, Rede des hochwürdigsten Herrn Bischofes von
Linz, Franz Joseph Rudigier, über das neue Schulaufsichtsgesetz, gehalten in der 19. Sitzung des
oberösterreichischen Landtages, (Linz, 1869).
284
Percy-Heißsporn (Hotspur), made famous in Shakespeare’s Henry IV, was burgher-shorthand
for a tragic (ironic) rebel without a cause; Brunner, of course, is the notorious Sebastian Brunner, editor
of the Ultramontane and anti-Semitic Wiener Kirchenzeitung. Neue Freie Presse, 27 February 1868;
cited in, Vocelka, Verfassung oder Konkordat, p. 106.
 146

anti-clerical leanings and threatened them with censorship if they did not change their

tone, a power he theoretically still enjoyed under the Concordat.285 Rudigier had also

come into conflict with the Statthalterei in February and March of 1868. After the

Ministry of the Interior issued the first of several decrees requesting that priests’

political pronouncements be closely watched,286 Rudigier wrote a flurry of letters to

the local Statthalterei and published several articles in both the Katholische Blätter

and the Diözesanblatt (the Linzer Volksblatt did not yet exist) arguing, “dass das

Staatsgesetz eine verbindliche Kraft nicht haben, wenn es den Grundsätzen der

Religion zuwider ist.”287 As these examples show, by the time the pastoral letter

appeared in September, both the liberal press and the local authorities must have been

well aware of Rudigier’s opinions and his rhetoric.

Rudigier and the Liberal Regime

Then why would the state authorities single out what was merely another

pronouncement by the bishop on the matter for such harsh treatment? Here it is

important to emphasize the political constellation of the time and to single out a key

285
As Neue Freie Presse commented, such censorship was still within Rudigier’s legal grasp, as
those parts of the Concordat had not been revoked through the new Basic Law of 1867. The incident
quickly became a minor cause célèbre, widely covered in the Austrian press. Linzer Tages-Post, 4
January 1868; Neue Freie Presse, 8 January 1868. Also see, Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. I, pp. 689-
690; Vocelka, Verfassung oder Konkordat, p. 106.
286
“Wo Verletzungen der öffentlichen Ordnung durch Wort und That vorkommen, sollen sie
ungesäumt die gesetzliche Amtshandlung zur Folge haben,” was the blunt wording of the SHL decree
on the matter. Marckghott gives no date for the correspondence between the Ministry of the Interior and
the Statthalter, though he implies that the order arrived in the early days of September. The documents
cited in Meindl make February or early March 1868 a more likely date, i.e., in connection with the build
up to the May Laws and publication of numerous pamphlets for and against. Marckhgott, "Hirtenbrief,"
p. 64; Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol I, pp. 689-690.
287
Rudigier to SHL, 9 March 1868. Cited in, Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. I, p. 699.
 147

figure, who, in the late summer and fall of 1868, was relatively new to Upper Austria:

Karl von Hohenwart zu Gerlachstein. Hohenwart had been appointed Statthalter of

Upper Austria in July of that year by the liberal ‘Bürger Ministry’ headed by Karl von

Auersperg. Although he is best remembered as Minister President of the short-lived

conservative government in 1871 (and as failed architect of a pro-Czech Bohemian

compromise), as Statthalter between 1868 and 1871, Hohenwart towed a much more

radical anti-clerical line.288 The new Bürger Ministry, as Pieter Judson has argued, was

above all plagued by the challenge of “institutionalizing the Rechtsstaat in all areas of

public life,“ and the most complicated aspect of this process, or at least the one where

the backing of the crown was most unsure, consisted of implementing confessional

equality by confronting the existing privileges of the Catholic Church.289 From the

outset of his appointment, Hohenwart engaged in heated exchanges with Rudigier over

the myriad issues affecting church-state relations. The political climate of those

months is well captured in an exchange the two had in the Upper Austrian diet over

school laws. After becoming frustrated with Rudigier’s constant interjections,

Hohenwart sternly proclaimed:

Das Reichsgesetz vom 25. Mai 1868 ist der Boden, auf dem die
Regierung steht, von dem sie nicht weichen darf und von dem sie
sich nicht verdrängen lassen wird; jeder Versuch in dieser
Richtung müßte zum entscheidenden Nachtheile der Partei

288
Harry Slapnicka was the first to notice this, though he barely develops this thesis. See,
Slapnicka, Christlichsoziale, pp. 67-68.
289
On the Auersperg government and its liberal successors, see, Judson, Exclusive
Revolutionaries, pp. 128-142, here, p. 130. Also see, Vocelka, Verfassung oder Konkordat, pp. 113-
118, 177-178.
 148

ausfallen, die ihn wagen sollte; denn er könnte nur zu den

Resultate führen, daß die Regierung selbst den gesetzgebenden
Körpern jene Maßregeln vorschlagen würde, die sie bisher
bekämpft hat.290

When the pastoral letter first arrived on Hohenwart’s desk for routine approval in

September 1868, the Bürger Ministry was barely nine months old; the May Laws were

only three months old and facing massive resistance within the population; and

Hohenwart’s posting as Statthalter was barely a month old. To Hohenwart, Rudigier’s

pastoral letter undoubtedly seemed like a fitting opportunity to display the earnestness

of the Bürger Ministry’s intentions. After reading the document, he immediately

ordered that all copies of the letter were to be confiscated (1,000 of a planned run of

5,000 had already been printed – a large number considering that the province only

had 500 parishes); the printing block be sealed; and the bishop charged with disturbing

the public peace (“Störung der öffentlichen Ruhe“). “Ins Publikum ist kein Exemplar

des Hirtenbriefes gekommen,“ Rudigier remarked to Cardinal Rauscher in Vienna,

which only fueled the wildest rumors regarding its contents.291

It is likely that Hohenwart wanted to make an example of Rudigier but did not

necessarily expect the investigation to run its full course, i.e., to lead to the arrest and

conviction of the bishop. And, indeed, in the weeks immediately following the

290
Berichte über die Verhandlungen des oberösterreichischen Landtages nach den
stenographischen Aufzeichnungen, (Linz, 1861-1914), II. Wahlperiode, October 1869, p. 1456. Also
cited in “Kirchliche Zeitläufe,“ Theologisch-Praktische Quartalschrift 22 (1869), p. 475.
291
See the various articles in the Linzer Tages-Post, September 1868. Rudigier to Rauscher, 20
September 1868. Cited in Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. I, p. 727. On Hohenwart’s initiative, see,
Slapnicka, Christlichsoziale, pp. 67-68.
 149

confiscation, there was much speculation as to how the various branches of the

Austrian court system would react to the proceedings. The Landesgericht in Linz

issued the initial indictment, which argued:

Wer es wagt … der Regierung und Staatsverwaltung so

unehrenhafte Beweggründe und Absichten zu unterstellen, wie die
Absicht der Entchristlichung der Jugend und der Förderung ganz
unsittlicher Verhältnisse, wie der Gedanke, die Kirche habe
überhaupt kein Recht, auch kein Recht nur zu existieren, wie der
Vorwurf, die Regierung verletze den göttlichen Willen, wer den
für alle österreichischen Staatsbürger ohne Unterschied
verbindliche Staatsgesetzen die verbindende Kraft abspricht und
lehrt, diese seine Lehren und Rathschläge in Tausenden von
Briefen, sowie durch die angeordnete Vorlesung in den Kirchen
verbreiten will, von dem muss gesagt werden, dass er ... zum
Hasse gegen die Regierung ... und zum ... Widerstande gegen die
Gesetze aufzufordern ... sucht.292

Hohenwart could not have foreseen the tenacity with which the various branches of

the provincial administration would pounce on one of their oldest and most disliked

adversaries. The case offered state prosecutors, judges and other officials — most of

them with liberal sympathies — a release for years of pent-up anti-clerical frustration.

Indeed, after Hohenwart spoke publicly on the matter for the first time, Rudigier

observed that, “seine Anschauung viel milder als die des Gerichtes [sind].“293

292
Beschluss des k.k. Landesgerichtes, 18. September 1868. Cited in Meindl, Leben und Wirken,
vol. I, p. 729.
293
Rudigier to Rauscher, 20 September 1868. Cited in Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. I, p. 727.
 150

Rudigier immediately appealed the indictment of the lower court, arguing that

he did not recognize the authority of state officials to proceed with the case: as an

Austrian bishop making a pronouncement on expressly religious matters, he remained

wholly outside their jurisdiction; and unless the authorities invoked § 14 of the

Concordat, which permitted the arrest of ecclesiastical authorities when they broke

state laws, he would refuse to recognize the legitimacy of their trial. The catch, of

course, was that by invoking § 14, the court needed to recognize the fundamental

authority of the Concordat.294 Furthermore, he continued, the pronouncements he had

made on the morality of the new laws — that civil marriage was, for example, an

“immoral state of affairs” — were expressly those of the Catholic Church and thus

could not in themselves be subject to prosecution. “In dem Augenblick, als ich erkläre,

die Civilehe sei ein sittliches Verhältnis, höre ich auf, ein katholischer Bischof, oder

auch nur ein katholischer Christ zu sein.”295 Using similar arguments, Rudigier

justified his refusal to participate in the investigation nor to appear at any of his court

dates.

The case was delegated to the Oberlandesgericht, which, surprisingly to many

observers, upheld the decision of the lower court.296 It argued that although the

294
Re-reading the Concordat in light of the Rudigier case shows just how muddled it was:
definitive in declaring that matters pertaining to the Church could only be handled in an ecclesiastical
court, yet vague in defining where the exact border between the secular and ecclesiastical authorities
lay. See §§9-15. The Concordat is reprinted in, Weinzierl-Fischer, Konkordate, pp. 250-258.
295
Note des hochw. Bischofs, enthaltend die Beschwerde gegen die Beschlagnahme und
Competenz des Gerichtes, 2 October 1868. Cited in, Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. I, pp. 730-736.
296
Surprising at least to the conservative and Catholic press, which saw the local courts as the
domain of renegade liberals but were fairly certain that higher courts would issue a decision. Celerin,
"österreichische Katholikentage,” pp. 20-21.
 151

emperor had accorded the bishops certain rights, privileges and jurisdictions within

Austrian law, it did not place these outside its legal framework; thus disturbing the

public peace remained an offense of which even a bishop in the Catholic Church could

be accused of. Furthermore, because § 14 of the Concordat privileged one religious

congregation, it conflicted with the new Basic Law of 1867, which made all

individuals equal before the law and prohibited granting special status to any one

religious congregation. After the decision, the press went into high gear, speculating

on the contents of the pastoral letter, and the pros, cons and repercussions of a trial.

In the midst of this flurry of speculation, the prosecutor’s office stalled, unsure

how to proceed. While Rudigier had repeatedly stated that he did not recognize the

court’s jurisdiction and thus would not cooperate with any investigation, the use of

brute force in getting the bishop to cooperate would only incite a scandal. By the

spring of 1869 there was even speculation that the case would probably be dropped.297

Nine months had passed since the confiscation of the original pastoral letter and more

than a year since the passage of the May Laws. Moreover, similar proceedings against

Cardinal Schwarzenberg in Prague had also gone all the way to the Oberlandesgericht

before being dropped by the prosecution in Prague and in the spring of 1869 rumors

circulated that proceedings against Rudigier’s case would suffer the same fate.298

297
Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. I, pp. 739-740, 744.
298
Slapnicka, Christlichsoziale, p. 68. The question of whether to prosecute bishops for
inflamatory pastoral letters was discussed by the government at least since the viciously anti-Protestant
1861 pastoral letter from the bishop of Trent. See, Stefan Malfèr, ed., Die Protokolle des
Österreichischen Ministerrates. V. Abteilung. Die Ministerien Erzherzog Rainer und Mensdorff, vol. 6:
4. Mai 1863 - 12. Oktober 1863, (Vienna, 1989), pp. 143-144, 213-217. Also see, more generally, Josef
Fontana, Der Kulturkampf in Tirol, (Bozen, 1978), pp. 43-57.
 152

The constellation of international, national and local events surrounding the trial

provided a curious backdrop as the prosecutor’s office debated the fate of the case in

the spring of 1869. To begin with the international: In April 1868, the Vatican

announced a new general council — the first since the Council of Trent in the

sixteenth century — and invited all Catholic bishops to Rome for the Vatican Council,

to begin December 1869. Though it was generally well known that infallibility would

be the main issue, whether it would pass and how a final declaration might be worded

remained a subject of debate in the liberal press throughout 1868 and 1869. Austrian

bishops, though hardly as well organized as their German counterparts, tended to side

against any official declaration of infallibility. Indeed, three of the leading Church

figures in the Monarchy, Cardinals Schwarzenberg of Prague and Rauscher of Vienna,

as well as Bishop Strossmayer from Djakovo in Croatia, all became leading figures

within the so-called anti-infallibility “minority” in Rome during the actual council.

Rudigier, whose unwavering support for Ultramontanism was well known, kept an

unusually low profile in the debates, speaking little on the issue and almost never in a

public forum.299

On a national and local level, public attention in Upper Austria during the spring

of 1869 remained focused on the May Laws. The provincial Diet, back in session,

began drafting legislation to implement the laws locally and the debates were widely

covered in the press. In the first half of 1869, while the prosecutor’s office remained

299
On the various debates among bishops, see, Klaus Schatz, Vaticanum I. 1869-1870, 3 vols.,
(Paderborn, 1992), especially vol. III. On Rudigier during this period, see, Franz Doppelbauer, ed.,
Bischof Rudigier's Kirchenpolitische Actenstücke, (Linz, 1890); Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. II, pp.
35-37, 43-45. See, also, p. 200-205, below.
 153

unsure of how and whether to proceed, a public debate began on school laws, during

which Rudigier repeatedly brought liberals’ worst fears to life: he refused to recognize

the new May Laws as binding and, in effect, called for a campaign of civil

disobedience to protest their passage.300 Especially controversial was Rudigier’s

stance of not permitting his clergy to participate in the post-May Law school

councils.301 The new laws, he argued, gave the state final jurisdiction over all school

matters, including the appointment of teachers and the curriculum generally, and

religious instruction specifically. Such a law, as he saw it, compromised the Church’s

independence, and he thus ordered his priests not to participate in their implementation

in any way.302

The Trial

In May, the prosecutor’s office decided to again try and question Rudigier,

issuing him a summons to appear in their offices. Rudigier again declined, this time

citing a recent papal allocution supporting his position.303 On 14 May and 1 June, city

officials visited the bishop with several gendarmes in tow, each time threatening to use

300
See, Franz Doppelbauer, ed., Bischof Rudigier's Hirtenschreiben, (Linz, 1888); Doppelbauer,
ed., Kirchenpolitische Actenstücke; Franz Doppelbauer, ed., Bischof Rudigier's Politische Reden, (Linz,
1889), pp. 330-358; Einige Worte über das neue Volksschulgesetz. An: Rudigier, Franz Josef: Rede
über das neue Schulaufsichtsgesetz, (Graz, 1869); Erläuterungen der konfessionellen Gesetze in ihrer
Beziehung zur evangelischen Kirche. An: Rudigier, Franz Josef: Rede über das neue
Schulaufsichtsgesetz, (Linz, 1869); Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. I, pp. 661-724; Franz Josef
Rudigier, Der Bischof von Linz und der Bischof von St. Pölten und die neue Aera, 3rd. ed., (Vienna,
1868); Rudigier, "Hirtenbrief und Weisungen;” Rudigier, Schulaufsichtsgesetz.
301
Rudigier’s writings and speeches on the school question can be found in, Doppelbauer, ed.,
Politische Reden, pp. 285-476. For the period from 1869 to 1872, see, pp. 330-385.
302
Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. II, pp. 41-43.
303
Rudigier to Rauscher, 14 May 1869. Cited in, Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. I, p. 741. The
Alluction is from 22 June 1868.
 154

force in bringing the bishop to the courthouse but backing down at the last moment.

On 5 June, the mayor, Viktor Drouot, personally led a small army of gendarmes to the

bishop’s residence and took Rudigier in for questioning.304 While in custody, the

bishop refused to answer any questions other than to state that the secular courts had

no jurisdiction in the matter. An hour later he was back at his residence.305

Two and a half weeks later, on 24 June, came Rudigier’s official indictment; the

court date was set for 12 July. As before, Rudigier first informed the court that he did

not recognize its authority and would not appear unless a reasonable display of force

was involved. This time, however, he was unsure what effect his actions could have.

Could a trial take place without the accused? Should he thus meet with his court-

appointed lawyer and plan a defense? Should he hire his own lawyer? He wrote to

Cardinal Rauscher in Vienna asking for guidance, who responded that since Austrian

law permitted a trial to take place without the accused, he did not think another

attempt would be made to force Rudigier to appear.306 He advised Rudigier, however,

to accept the court-appointed lawyer and also to meet with him in order to explain the

Church’s position. The lawyer, Rauscher advised, needed to clearly articulate

304
Rudigier made sure there was a “use of force” – Drouot pulled at the bishop’s sleeve – before
he surrendered to the authorities. The actual day of Drouot’s visit was kept secret, in fear that large and
unruly crowds might gather outside the residence. The police was there both to present, in Rudigier’s
words, “Gewalt, welche mich physisch bewältigen konnte,” and to keep calm on the streets. On the
actual date there were a fair number of spectators, but the police easily held them in check. See the
coverage in the Linzer Tages-Post and the Linzer Volksblatt in the weeks after 5 June 1869; some of the
press coverage is also included in, Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. I, pp. 750-754.
305
Rudigier to [the then suffragan bishop, later archbishop and cardinal in Vienna,] Johann
Kutschker, 5 June 1869. Vernehmungsprotokoll signed by Rudigier and Landesgerichtsrath
Pöchmüller. Cited in Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. I, p. 747.
306
Rudigier to Kutschker, 24 June 1869. Cited in Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. I, pp. 765-766.
 155

Rudigier’s position in court and explain his failure to appear.307 The lawyer appointed

by the court, Carl von Kissling, was a prominent local trial lawyer and notary active in

liberal circles.308 Kissling met twice with the bishop before trial and undoubtedly tried

to represent his client’s views, though, as he continued to emphasize throughout the

trial, “die Ansichten des Herrn Bischofs meine Ansichten nicht sind.”309 Kissling was

not the right man for the job.

The trial itself lasted the better part of the day, beginning at nine in the morning

and ending around seven in the evening. Rudigier, true to his word, did not appear and

thus the trial began with a short lecture by the judge on the importance of §55 of the

civil code, which permitted a jury trial even when the accused failed to appear. The

trial, the first presided over by a jury in Upper Austria since 1848, led the judge to

then continue the proceedings with a second rather celebratory lecture on the

importance of liberal jurisprudence. After some time, the initial indictment, along with

the accompanying decisions of the Landes- and Oberlandesgericht were read and the

prosecution, led by the district attorney, Joseph Elsner, took the stand. Elsner outlined

the case against Rudigier, emphasizing that the matter at hand had nothing to do with

any religious pronouncements the bishop had made in the matter, nor with the explicit

307
Rauscher to Rudigier, 26 June 1869. Cited in Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. I, p. 766.
308
Kissling was active in various associations and liberal societies, including the Liberaler Verein
from which he abrubtly resigned in August 1870. Over the course of the next two decades, Kissling
became increasingly active in religious politics. In 1889/90 founded the Verein zur Bekämpfung des
Antisemitismus with an accompanying periodical, the aim of which was especially to combat anti-
Semitism within the Catholic Church. See, Carl Emil von Kissling, Offenes Schreiben an den
Hochwürdigen Herrn Johann Hauser, Redacteur des "Linzer Volksblattes,” (Linz, 1893); Jacob Toury,
"Anti-Anti 1889/1892," Leo Baeck Institute Yearbook XXXVI (1991).
309
From Kissling’s opening statement in the trial, 12 July 1869. A full transcript can be found in
Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. I, pp. 769-800, here 787.
 156

comparison Rudigier had made between the May Laws and Catholic doctrine that

many saw as the pastoral letter’s core affront. Rather, Rudigier’s offense began when

he transcended the boundaries between church and state because this called into

question the state’s authority, which was an illegal act.310 This transgression, Elsner

added, though not explicit, could easily be garnered, “in dem Sinne verschiedener

Stellen in ihrem Zusammenhange.” Furthermore, by planning to have the pastoral

letter read to all Catholics – theoretically over ninety percent of the province – the

bishop was inciting the populace “zum Hasse, zur Verachtung gegen die

Staatsverwaltung.”311 This, Elsner then argued, transgressed the law.

Hier ist den Gläubigen zur Richtung ihres Denkens und Handelns
betreffs der Mai-Gesetze gesagt worden: Dass ein Gesetz der
verbindenden Kraft entbehre, wenn es im Widerspruche mit dem
göttlichen Willen steht. Mann muss Gott mehr gehorchen als dem
Mensch. Es wird daher offenbar zum Widerstande gegen die Mai-
Gesetze zu verleiten gesucht.312

When Kissling took the stand for the defense, he made several specific

arguments about the pastoral letter: First, that the views espoused by the bishop where

those of the Church in general – his words merely repeated statements made

elsewhere. Second, as leader of Upper Austria’s Catholics, Rudigier had a

responsibility to share these views with Catholics in his diocese. Next, Kissling took

310
From Elsner’s opening statement in the trial, 12 July 1869. A full transcript can be found in
Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. I, pp. 769-800, here p. 778.
311
Elsner’s opening statement Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. I, p. 781.
312
Elsner’s opening statement Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. I, p. 783.
 157

the letter’s four most-often cited passages and argued that each, in itself, did not

constitute an illegal act:

“Seit Monaten sind es die österreichischen Staatsgesetz vom 25.

Mai 1868, an welchen die Lüge ihre ganze Kraft erprobt,”

„Das Concordat bleibt vor Gott und dem Gewissen in allen

seinen Theilen in voller Kraft“

„Die göttlichen Wahrheiten und Gesetze bleiben ohne Ausnahme

in Kraft … Man muss Gott mehr gehorchen, als den Menschen.“

„Was der Liberalismus mit der Trennung der Schule von der
Kirche beabsichtigt, haben die Bischöfe in ihrer Adresse an den
Kaiser gesagt: er beabsichtigt die Entchristlichung der Jugend“.

In each case, Kissling argued that the intended target of Rudigier’s polemics was, in

fact, liberalism and the liberal quality of the state rather than the state itself. The

timing of the pastoral letter — in September, months after the passage of the laws —

only served to reinforce this point. He also pointed out that on several occasions,

government ministers had critiqued existing state laws and policies – thus such

critiques were, even for public figures in a public setting, nothing out of the

ordinary.313

After an hour and a half of deliberation, the jury returned and found Rudigier

guilty on six of nine counts.314 In the courtroom pandemonium broke out: even if the

313
Kissling’s opening statement Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. I, pp. 769-800.
314
In the three counts where he was found not guilty, the wording always assumed the spreading
of subversive ideas, which, since the pastoral letter had been confiscated before it was distributed, had
 158

verdict had been widely expected, it was nevertheless a sensation. An Austrian bishop

arrested, indicted and now convicted in front of an Austrian jury! After the uproar

subsided, the judge let the prosecutor propose a sentence. The prosecutor asked for a

jail term of six months, reduced from the sentencing guidelines of one to six years on

the basis of the bishop’s good standing in the community and the fact that he did not

deny having written the pastoral letter. Kissling appealed for an even milder sentence,

arguing that the heated political climate of the times should act as an extenuating

circumstance, as should the fact that Rudigier was merely following orders from

above, since the pope and Cardinal Rauscher had made similar statements. Three

hours later — by now it was around nine in the evening — the judge reappeared and

read his verdict: fourteen days incarceration. The verdict, however, was never

formally delivered to Rudigier; within twenty-four hours, Emperor Francis Joseph had

issued a pardon.

The Trial as Liberal Spectacle

As the trial commenced, it took on the form of a self-contained liberal spectacle,

reinforced all the more so by the absence of the accused during the proceedings. The

implicit aim was certainly to cement liberal principles as the basis for government.

The judge began the proceedings by reminding the courtroom, “dass wir heute ein

not taken place. “Ist er schuldig, dass er in Druckwerken zur Auflehnung gegen die österreichischen
Gesetze von 25. Mai 1868 angeeifert habe?” for example, on which Rudigier was not found guilty, was
then followed by “Ist er schuldig, dass er in Druckwerken zur Auflehnung gegen die österreichischen
Gesetze von 25. Mai 1868 zu verleiten gesucht habe?” Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. I, p. 796.
 159

Fest feiern, das Fest der Wiedergeburt der Geschworenengerichte.”315 And the

selection of the jury only added to this sense of celebration: of the twelve jurors, one

was a founding member of the liberal club in Linz, and the professional background of

the others certainly suggests liberal sympathies.316 In fact, the sole overt Rudigier-

sympathizer was fined 50 Fl. and dismissed after stating that he would refuse to pass

judgment on his bishop.317 As the original indictment made clear:

Liberale Anschauungen und Parteiansichten, in wie weit solche

bereits in Staatsgesetzen Ausdruck gefunden haben, können bei
Besprechung dieser Gesetze einer abfälligen, verdächtigen Kritik
nicht unterzogen werden, ohne dass dadurch zugleich die
betreffenden Gesetze und die gesetzgebende Gewalt herabwürdigt
erscheinen.318

The statements of Kissling, the defense lawyer, also more often sounded like a defense

of liberalism rather than of his client. As he finished his closing statement, Kissling

openly appealed to the liberal and national sympathies of the jury:

Zeigen Sie denen, welche ihre Gegner mit Chaffepot und dem

315
Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. I, p. 769. Trial by jury — “Geschworenengerichte” — as a
concept also had distinct nationalist and anti-Roman overtones, as it supposedly derived from Germanic
rather than Roman law. As the liberal Augsburger Allgemeine Zeitung proudly proclaimed, the Rudigier
trial was “die erste That dieses wieder ins Leben gerufenen alt-germanischen Rechtsinstitutes.” Cited
in, Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. I, p. 805.
316
The liberal club in Linz was, in fact, founded concurrently with the trial. The first
organizational meeting took place in June 1869, just weeks before the trial began. A public
anouncement asking interested burghers to join the club came just over a week later. Karl Häfele,
professor at the local Gymnasium and jury member, was one of the founding members. Wimmer,
Liberalismus, pp. 26-29. Of the other jurors, most were petty officials, artisans, and professionals. A list
of names and professions can be found in, Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. I, p. 768.
317
Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. I, p. 811; Slapnicka, Christlichsoziale, p. 70.
318
Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. I, p. 775.
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Fallbeil behandeln ... dass wir ihnen mit dem deutschen Geiste
entgegentreten, der den Sieg erringen wird. Im Namen der
Pressfreiheit, im Namen des freien Wortes, im Namen dieser
constitutionellen Rechte bitte ich Sie, meine Herren
Geschworenen, sprechen Sie den Angeklagten nicht schuldig!“319

Conservative-Catholic opinions seemed wholly excluded from the proceedings as the

trial increasingly descended into a self-contained spectacle, an ostentatious liberal

display of power with lawyers, judge, and jurors all displaying “infallible” faith in a

system whose validation more often than not seemed to be the real purpose of the trial.

All the liberal hubris on display, however, ultimately proved detrimental.

Instead of more clearly delineating the boundaries between church and state, the trial

made the legal system seem unduly biased in the eyes of most conservative Catholics

and not a few liberal Catholics as well. Within days of the verdict, letters of support

began to arrive at both the bishop’s residence and the editorial offices of the Catholic-

conservative Volksblatt; they came from other towns in Upper Austria, from the rest of

the Monarchy, and from farther away still. As the Volksblatt took pains to point out,

the letters came “von dem katholischen Adel…von Offizieren, von Doctoren, von

Beamten, darunter auch von einem preußischen Staatsanwalt, von Priestern, Bürgern

und Handwerkern,” thus from the highest to the lowest ranks of society.320 Konrad

Martin, Bishop of Paderborn, wrote, “mit den innigsten Sympathien den glorreichen

319
Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. I, p. 795.
320
Linzer Volksblatt 16 July 1869, 1-3. For further letters, see the Linzer Volksblatt in the months
July through October 1869. A listing of most letters can also be found in, Meindl, Leben und Wirken,
vol. I, pp. 813-819.
 161

und schönen Kampf begleitet, den Sie für die Sache Gottes und seiner hl. Kirche so

ruhmvoll bestanden haben,” in what was a fairly typical letter to Rudigier.”321 Around

seventy letters arrived in the first few days and the Volksblatt kept a running daily tab

over the following months: municipalities, councils, associations, and even whole

episcopacies sent letters supporting the bishop.322 Perhaps Bishop Feßler of St. Pölten

put it best when he wrote to Rudigier, “die ganze Welt entschädigt Dich dafür, was

Dir Österreich angethan hat,”323 and, indeed Rudigier’s unwavering conviction in the

face of the liberal state now became a potent lightning rod for anti-liberal sentiments

throughout Austria and Europe.

While liberal papers, embarrassed by the trial’s hubris, stopped reporting on it

soon after its completion, conservative and Catholic papers redoubled their efforts.

Taking the trial and the letters of support as their cue, the Linzer Volksblatt, for

example, began to meticulously dissect every aspect of the trial. Kissling was harshly

criticized for putting more energy into distancing himself from conservative

Catholicism than in trying to defend his client. The prosecutor Elsner, on the other

hand, was widely praised for repeatedly emphasizing that he was only fulfilling his

duty to the state — in his statements, he often added that the whole affair struck him

as “awkward.” The two lawyers, the clerical press argued, should have reversed their

321
Konrad to Rudigier, 23 September 1869. Cited in Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. I, p. 820.
322
The bishops of Belgium signed a collective letter of support. Linzer Volksblatt 7 August 1869,
p. 3.
323
Feßler to Rudigier, 22 October 1869. Cited in Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. I, p. 819.
 162

roles.324 When a full transcript of the trial was finally published later that fall, it was

by a Catholic publisher,325 and when the authorities confiscated a similarly

problematic speech by Rudigier in 1870, the case quickly fizzled.326 In trying to

“institutionalize the Rechtsstaat,” the Rudigier trial rather served for the reverse,

deepening the rift between the state and its conservative Catholic population.327

The Gady Trial (1872)

Two and a half years later, a different trial dominated the press in Upper Austria.

On 28 December 1871, in an atmosphere of heightened political tension only fourteen

days after the last of the three elections held in quick succession to the Upper Austrian

Diet and a few days after Christmas, the Linzer Tages-Post published the letter of a

“mother in distress” under the rubric “Stimmen aus dem Publikum;” it was entitled

“Verbrechen im Beichtstuhl.” “Meine 23-jährige Tochter Anna D. war bis zum

heutigen Herbste ein sittsames, heiteres Mädchen,” the letter began, who earned a

respectable income as a dressmaker for both herself and her mother. Over the past few

months, she continued, some of the nuns from the church where her daughter often

324
“Linzer Schwurgericht,” Linzer Volksblatt, 16 June 1869, 1-2; reprinted and expanded in, “Der
Prozess gegen unseren hochw. H. Bischof,” Katholische Blätter, 17 June 1869, 229-31; “Landglossen
zur Schwurgerichtsverhandlung vom 12. Juli,” Linzer Volksblatt, 20 July 1869.
325
Der Pressprozess des Bischoffs Franz Josef Rudigier in Linz von seinem Ursprunge bis zum
Schlusse durch das Schwurgericht, (Linz, 1869).
326
The speech itself, coming on the heels of Rudigier return from Rome after the Vatican Council
was arguably much more radical in tone and content. See below, p. 205.
327
After the trial, the Minister for Commerce, Iganz von Plener, wrote to his son that the Rudigier
pardon showed how little sympathy the emperor had with the new liberal regime. Ulrike Harmat,
"Divorce and Remarriage in Austria-Hungary: The Second Marriage of Franz Conrad Hötzendorf,"
Austrian History Yearbook 32 (2001): p. 74.
 163

attended services had suggested that she take the Carmelite monk Pater Gabriel Gady

as her confessor. This she did, and that, the mother now wrote, is where the trouble

began. Gady coerced her daughter into “schnell nacheinander folgende Beichten,”

followed by the suggestion that she perform “eine angebliche Generalbeichte“ (a

general confession) with him as her confessor, and without her mother’s consent or

knowledge. The frequent visits to the confessional, coupled with the Generalbeichte,

soon had their effect on the girl: she became withdrawn and moody, barely spoke, and

often cried for hours; she ceased to find her way around town and could no longer

work properly. Finally, Anna D.’s mental condition deteriorated to the point that she

had to be committed to a sanatorium. The doctors, Anna’s mother concluded, saw

little hope in a recovery.

Was daselbst der Pater an meiner Tochter verübt und die

unflätigen Reden, die sich der hochwürdige erlaubt, kann ich aus
Schicklichkeitsgründen nicht mittehilen.

The letter she now wrote to the liberal daily Tages-Post was meant as a warning,

especially to other families whose daughters went to confession.328

The story set off alarm bells among the liberal public. The ‘crime in the

confessional’ as a narrative genre in the liberal press had become a semi-regular

feature by the late 1860s, and menacing reports on such incidents appeared

328
“Verbrechen im Beichtstuhle,” Linzer Tages-Post 28 December 1871, p. 4.
 164

sporadically in the Linzer Tages-Post and most other liberal papers.329 As Michael

Gross has argued,

it was the confessional, seemingly dark and mysterious, that was

the site for particularly concentrated and creative work… Here in
the dark and quiet church, alone, close, and in whispers,
confessors, liberals imagined, used their power to undo and then
entrance women. 330

Within the solid liberal boundaries of public and private spheres, the confessional

represented an unnatural intrusion of the Church into the private sphere, which

threatened to destroy the liberal, middle-class family “from the inside out.”331 No case

had thus far been ‘uncovered’ in Linz or Upper Austria, however.

Indeed, the liberal press set to work crafting the basic contours of the narrative:

Anna Dunziger — the girl’s full name soon became known — was a poor seamstress

now confined to an insane asylum, her mother an honest, working-class widow

dependent on Anna’s wages. Pater Gady, on the other hand, was a “junger Carmeliter-

Mönch,” a “mönchischer Don Juan,”332 who had taken his priestly vows only three

years earlier — “ein besonders von der Damenwelt sehr gesuchter Beichtvater.” The

incident with Anna Dunziger, the paper insinuated, was thus connected to others. It

329
See, for example, the coverage of the scandal surrounding the murder of the mayor of Stainz in
the Tages-Post and the Linzer Volksblatt in December 1871. On the gendered social place of the
confessional in the nineteenth century, see the excellent, Edith Saurer, "Frauen und Priester.
Beichtgespräche im frühen neunzehnten Jahrhundert," in Arbeit, Frömmigkeit und Eigensinn, ed.
Richard van Dülmen, (Frankfurt, 1990).
330
Gross, War Against Catholicism, p. 207.
331
Gross, War Against Catholicism, p. 204.
332
“Nochmals P. Gabriel,” Linzer Tages-Post, 22 August 1872.
 165

was rumored that Gady had performed immoral acts with nuns while serving as a

confessor in the small town of Raab in southwestern Upper Austria, which had been

his previous posting before coming to Linz. There were reports in which girls —

“mitunter aus den besten Familien” — were known to take their confession with Gady

“in auffällig später Stunde.” Furthermore, the Carmelite monastery in Linz where

Gady lived harbored a large number of Italian monks who all had to leave their home

dioceses for reasons unknown.333 Finally, after two weeks of media flurry, the Tages-

Post reported that the diocese administration had suddenly and secretly transferred

Gady to Siebenbürgen in Hungary.334

Within a short space of time, the liberal press had thus constructed an archetypal

“confessional” narrative: the poor, working-class girl and the financially dependent

mother; the young, recently ordained monk, popular with female confessors and

possessing a history of similar accusations; the monastery where Gady lived full of

foreign, hot-blooded Italian monks, ready to “infect” their Austrian peers with all-too

worldly ideas;335 and, finally, the quick and secret transfer to the farthest reaches of

the Monarchy, to Transylvania-Siebenbürgen, a blatant attempt by the Catholic

Church to hush up a scandal – and a tacit admission of guilt.

333
“Verbrechen im Beichtstuhl,” Linzer Tages-Post 31 December 1871, p. 2. As well as articles
from the same paper on, 11, 22, 23, and 24 February 1872.
334
“Pater Gabriel” and “Abfahren,” Linzer Tages-Post, 6 January 1872, p. 3.
335
The monastery was a powerful sign in liberal semiotics: a closed-off, secretive space, separated
from the public sphere and outside of the legal grasp of the state — a “hotbed of superstition, sloth, and
fornication,” as one liberal petition to the German parliament speculated. Gross, War Against
Catholicism, p. 180.
 166

The Catholic press responded with a defense and its own innuendos. It charged

that the mother was semi-literate and overbearing, an affliction on her daughter, and

had “eine Vergangenheit,” which suggested prostitution. Moreover, the girl had not

gone insane, but was only suffering from “weak nerves” — a condition that stemmed

more from her mother’s verbal torture than from contact with Catholic priests.336 This

was followed by a letter from the head of the Carmelite monastery in Raab, who

countered the charges of illicit behavior: Gady had neither been the nuns’ confessor

nor had he attracted attention for any sort of immoral behavior; on the contrary, he had

been a model monk.337 Other letters came from Gady’s former professors in Graz,

where he had attended seminary, and Vienna, where he spent three years at the local

Carmelite monastery; all highlighted his good behavior and fine moral standing.338

Moreover, he remained at his monastery in Linz and had no intention of fleeing to

Siebenbürgen.339

The accusations were nevertheless serious enough to spark the interest of the

civil authorities, who began an investigation in the first weeks of January 1872. The

prosecution interviewed everyone connected with the case: Anna Dunziger and her

mother Maria, Gabriel Gady, and the various doctors who had attended to Anna

336
“Eingesendet!” Linzer Volksblatt, 6 January 1872, p. 2.
337
“Zu den Verläumdungen wider P. Gabriel,” Linzer Volksblatt 24 January 1872, p. 2.
338
See, for example, “Über P. Gabriel,” Linzer Volksblatt 2 March 1872, p. 2; and, “Über den
schwer verleumden Pater Gabriel” Linzer Volksblatt 10 March 1872, pp. 2-3. “Über P. Gabriel,” Linzer
Volksblatt 3 April 1872, p. 2. Even Bishop Rudigier sent an official report to the paper commenting on
Gady’s perfect moral standing. “Über den schwer verleumden Pater Gabriel” Linzer Volksblatt 21
March 1872, pp. 2-3.
339
On the classic liberal narrative of the “bad priest,” see, Michael B. Gross, "The Strange Case of
the Nun in the Dungeon, or German Liberalism as a Convent Atrocity Story," German Studies Review
23 (2000); Gross, War Against Catholicism, chpt. 3.
 167

Dunziger in the fall and winter of 1871. After several weeks, the state dropped all

charges and let the matter go. For Gady, though, the “clean bill of health” given to him

by the prosecutor’s office was not enough and marked the beginning of a new

struggle: his reputation ruined, Gady now sought to clear his name in public—

especially in the liberal press. In late February 1872, he brought charges of slander and

journalistic negligence against the editor of the Tages-Post.340

The trial began in late July, finally permitting Gady the opportunity to tell “his

side” of the story in a public forum.341 The letter and, indeed, the story as a whole

consisted of fabrications, he argued. Maria Dunziger did not in fact write the letter;

rather, it was the editor of the Tages-Post who took a semi-literate mother’s complaint

about the strange behavior of her daughter and fashioned it into a scandalous anti-

clerical narrative to frighten the public. (Upon cross-examination, the editor of the

Tages-Post admitted to using ‘journalistic license’ in order to make the story more

appealing to his readers, but denied any ‘real’ fabrication.) Even worse, Anna

Dunziger’s mother was notoriously unreliable in her own behavior and tyrannical in

how she treated her daughter. Moreover, Anna never earned enough money for them

both; rather, they counted on various charities and poor relief — some of which also

came from the Church — to make ends meet. Then, coming to his own character,

Gaby pointed out that he was, in fact, not the sprightly young priest portrayed in the

press but rather much older – 46 at the time of the incident – and that he had been

340
The official charges were for “Vergehens gegen die Sicherheit der Ehre,” and “Übertretung
oder Vernachlässigung der pflichtmäßigen Obsorge und Aufmerksamkeit,” a special press law.
341
The trial can be followed in the Linzer Volksblatt and Linzer Tages-Post issues from late-July
to mid-August 1872.
 168

ordained over twenty years ago, in 1851. Except for the editor of the Tages-Post, all

the other witnesses — the attending doctors and Anna and Maria Dunziger — more or

less corroborated Gady’s story.

Even with such seemingly damning evidence, Gady failed to win the trial. As

during the Rudigier trial, the jurors — merchants, book dealers, and rentiers, eight of

whom were members of the liberal club in Linz — were undeniably predisposed

toward Gady.342 The jury ruled that since most of the slanderous articles had at first

appeared elsewhere (either in the newly founded Deutsche Zeitung or the Neue Freie

Presse, both based in Vienna), these had merely been cited by the Tages-Post;

therefore the slander had not originated in that newspaper’s editorial offices and the

paper could not be held accountable. Gady did win on the count of journalistic

negligence: the jurors stated that any local paper reporting on a local story, even when

taking stories from otherwise ‘reliable’ sources, should have felt duty-bound to do a

better fact-checking job. In the end, the Tages-Post received a fine of 20 Fl — a mere

slap on the wrist — and declared itself vindicated. Technically, none of its articles had

been called into question and to celebrate, the paper published a two-page feature

emphasizing the jury’s unanimous decision and reprinted every article on Gady from

the past few months. After their initial publication in December and January and their

continually use during the trial — which was widely covered in both the liberal and

342
Linzer Volksblatt 20 August 1872.
 169

clerical press — this now marked the third time the various accusations against Gady

found their way into print.343

Indeed, the liberal Tages-Post soon went further in its claims. It began to imply

that because it had been cleared of slander, its own coverage in the matter was

truthful.344 In a new series of articles attacking Gady, the paper now argued that he

should be forcibly expelled from the diocese:

Pater Gabriel ist nicht Gemeinde-Mitglied von Linz. Nach §18

des Gemeinde-Statuts für Linz kann Auswärtigen der Aufenthalt
im Gemeindegebiete nur so lange nicht verweigert, als sie einen
unbescholten Lebenswandel führen. 345

In marked contrast to the Rudigier trial, where coverage in the liberal press tapered off

fairly quickly after the verdict, the exchanges between liberals and clericals went on

for weeks and months afterwards, growing ever more heated. If the Rudigier trial had

served to distance conservative Catholics from the judicial system of a liberal state,

then the Gady trial served to sever any remaining ties. As Rudigier wrote in an article

several weeks later, such trials made a mockery of justice, to which the Tages-Post

responded mockingly:

Ist es denkbar, daß Jemand, und sei es ein Bischof, in seiner

Selbstüberschätzung so weit geht, sich über ein vom Staate

343
“Der prozess Gabriel,” Tages-Post, 4 August 1872, 1-2.
344
More technically correct would be that the jury was convinced that the Tages-Post did not think
it was spreading untruths when it published the original letter from Maria Dunziger.
345
This was, technically, untrue, as priests automatically held the Heimatrecht of the community
where they served. Tages-Post, 22 August 1872, 1-2.
 170

anerkanntes und geschütztes Gericht zum Oberrichter aufwerfen

zu wollen.346

While the Volksblatt brought full coverage of the proceedings in the initial days of the

trial, it lost interest soon after the verdict arrived, skipping the remaining cross-

examinations and closing statements it had not yet published. Gady, though

technically at least in part victorious — the editor of the Tages-Post was, after all,

convicted of journalistic negligence — became a sort of negative standard-bearer.

Like Rudigier, he became an example of where the liberal state’s bias was greatest: as

a Rechtsstaat — in its legal system and supposedly rational rule of law.

* * *

Comparing the Gady with Rudigier trials aptly demonstrates how much had

changed in the short space of three years. In 1869, the liberal press at first feared a riot

and then emphasized the low turnout of Rudigier’s supporters. By 1872 the Catholic-

conservative bloc had solidified into an bona fide mass movement and the liberal press

now sought to emphasize the femininity, irrationality, and the potential for violence

among the Catholic masses.

Je mehr sich die Schwurgerichtshandlung zu Ungunsten Pater

Gabriels wendet, desto fanatischer benehmen sich die
Betschwestern und frommen Frauen, welche den
Verhandlungssaal füllen. Anna Dunziger wird beim Weggehen
vom Gerichtsgebäude bedroht und kann nur mehr in Begleitung

346
Tages-Post, 22 August 1872, p. 1.
 171

eines Polizeiwachmannes die Straße betreten. 347

Such bipolar coding, as Michael Gross has argued, is central to understanding the

liberal-Catholic dichotomy of the late-nineteenth century, with its accompanying idea

of separate and unequal spheres — one male and public, the other female and private.

In this construction, the Church was personified by an old, meddling woman while the

state appeared as a young man, “assertive and in the prime of life.”348 During the Gady

trial, the liberal press began increasingly to differentiate between what it saw as a

‘proper’ public sphere of the liberal press — rational and masculine, well-behaved and

orderly — and the distorted public sphere of the clerical milieu: irrational and female,

mob-like and prone to violence.

In his New Year’s sermon on 1 January 1873, Rudigier singled out the Gabriel

affair as an example of the bias of the liberal court system and press.

Die bösen Blätter … welche diese Geschichte in alle Welt

verbreiteten … sogar die Bewohner von Australien hievon
Kenntniß erhielten und ein unendlicher Schaden durch die
Beirrung vieler tausend Gemüther herbeigeführt worden sei.

But, continuing, Rudigier then pointed out the changes that had occurred since the

time of his own trial: the growth of Catholic associations, the political casino, the

Preßverein, and so on, made Catholic-conservatives a competing social vision with

increasing self-confidence.

347
“Der Prozess Gabriel: Dritter Verhandlungstag,” Linzer Tages-Post 8 August 1872, p. 2.
348
Gross, War Against Catholicism, p. 202.
 172

Früher waren es nur die Anhänger des Liberalismus gewesen …

geübt in derlei Dingen, bei den Wahlen und in den
Vertretungskörpern … Nun habe sich aber auch die von dem
katholischen Bewusstsein durchdrungene Bevölkerung ermannt,
und sei geschult, den Kampf mit stets wachsendem Erfolge
aufzunehmen.349

But it was also for this reason that the Gady trial was crucial for influencing the way

that priests came to perceive the liberal state and legal system: here was the first time

that a prominent and seemingly legitimate attempt had been made to counter

liberalism in the courts and it had failed miserably.

The Lower Clergy on Trial: The Press, Priests and Politics

After the active involvement of many priests in 1848, both for and against the

revolution, and the relative political “silence” of the 1850s, priests began devoting

more energy to overt politics in the 1860s, albeit slowly.350 In the early 1860s, a

careful debate on clerical political participation began to make its way into the more

scholarly journals, though as yet there was little overt action.351 Young seminarians,

for example, were still largely insulated from the outside world, with access to certain

newspapers restricted and a general policy that, “der Kleriker brauche von der Politik

349
Linzer Tages-Post, 4 January 1873, p. 1.
350
There were, of course, isolated examples of strong political involvement even in the supposedly
apolitical 1850s. Theobald Sichhorn, a Pfarrvikar in the small town of Gramastetten, for example, was
elected mayor there in 1854. Sichhorn to Rudigier, 3 July 1854. BA Sch. 5.
351
See, for example, "Clerikus,” "Die Theilnahme des Clerus an der Gemeinde- u.
Volksvertretung," Österreichische Vierteljahresschrift für Rechts- und Staatswissenschaft 10 (1863);
Theodor Pachmann, "Ueber politische Clerikal-Vertretung - ein altes Thema neu bearbeitet,"
Österreichische Vierteljahresschrift für Rechts- und Staatswissenschaft 10 (1862).
 173

nichts zu wissen,“352 a policy Rudigier himself had implemented a decade earlier. By

the mid-1860s, this construction began to crumble, mostly because Rudigier himself

became increasingly incensed with liberal politics. In January 1866, for example, after

having been sharply criticized (for the third or fourth time over three years) over the

discriminatory treatment of Protestant mothers in the local Catholic-run Geburt- und

Findelanstalt in the Upper Austrian Diet and losing a subsequent vote on the

matter,353 Rudigier entered the seminary and, “forderte alle auf, sich vom geistlichen

Stande abzuwenden, denn es stehe die soziale Revolution vor der Tür und das

Martyrium sei nicht allzu ferne,” as one seminarian recorded in his diary.354

At first, such outbreaks astounded the mostly apolitical young seminarians; their

contact with the outside world was, after all, strictly controlled. Within a short span of

time, however, they began to internalize Rudigier’s mindset, each keeping his own list

of incidents — snide comments from fellow diners in a pub or travelers in a train,

polemical newspaper articles — pointing to an ever-increasing level of political

sensitization among the lower clergy.355 After 1867 there followed in quick succession

the Bürger Ministries, the May Laws, the Rudigier trial, the first Vatican Council, the

352
1 December 1865, Hanrieder Diary, p. 47. On the Hanrieder Diary, see, footnote 119, above.
353
On the conflict, see, “Zur gerechten Abwehr,“ Katholische Blätter, 28 January 1863, 35-6. The
article is anonymous, but several passages suggest Rudigier’s hand at work. A year later, in his
Fastenbrief of 25 January 1864, Rudigier still mentions the conflict with bitterness. Quoted in Meindl,
Leben und Wirken, vol. I, p. 614.
354
Hanrieder’s diary contains few political entries between 1863 and 1866 and certainly no
incidence of an angry Bishop Rudigier entering the seminary to lecture about politics. Entry from 24
January 1866, Hanrieder Diary, p. 55.
355
See, for example, the entries from 8 February 1866, 24 March 1866, 15 January 1867, 26 May
1867, Hanrieder Diary, pp. 58, 69, 101-2, 114. From the diary it is evident that Hanrieder is not the
only one undergoing systematic politicization.
 174

unilateral annulment of the Concordat by the government, three fiercely contested

local elections, and then the Gady trial. The result was not just a more activist liberal

state, but also an increasingly activist Ultramontane clergy.

To learn the new language of political activism, the Pastoral-Konferenzen,

abandoned by Rudigier in the early 1850s, were reinstated following the confiscation

of the pastoral letter in early 1869. The purpose of these meetings was not so much to

hear what the ‘official’ position of the bishop might be on an issue than to learn how

to effectively verbalize that position in public.356 At each conference, it should be

remembered, the clergy in each Dekanat came together to present short papers on

political questions — rehearsal sermons and position statements, so to speak — that

would then be discussed by all. Participation was mandatory and the meeting notes

and reports were subsequently turned over to the Bischöfliches Konsistorium. The

process provided the administration an efficient means of gauging the reception of its

ideas while improving the repartee of its lower clergy. Indeed, the diocese

administration on occasion wrote back, sending recommendations — books, articles or

other items — back to the relevant Dekanat and parish in order to help priests better

‘come to terms’ with an issue.

The government and liberal press also did its part: after 1870, the liberal

government began a concerted effort to crack down on clerical politicizing. A week

after taking office in June 1870,357 the newly appointed Minister for Religion and

356
On the Pastoral-Konferenzen, see Chapter Two.
357
Though the government led by Potocki was formed 4 April 1870, Stremayr was not appointed
until 30 June.
 175

Education, Karl von Stremayr, composed a memo to the various Cisleithanian

governors in which he complained that the existing state laws had recently come under

rather heavy attack, especially — and there is no doubt he had the bishop of Linz in

mind — by those whose “real mission” it was to be “apostles of peace.” The brunt of

the 1868 May Law, he continued, should thus be aimed “gegen Diejenigen … welche

die Himmelsgabe der Religion zu irdischen Zwecken missbrauchen wollen.”358 And,

indeed, priests soon began to feel the concerted pressure of government action. While

certainly the content of their sermons had become more political since 1868/69, the

increasing willingness of the government to prosecute meant that liberal burghers now

found a receptive audience in the local state prosecutor’s office for their complaints.

Even as late as 1874, provincial administrations were asked to compile a “sittliches

und politisches Zeugnis” on every priest active within the borders.359

Such policy began to trickle down as well. Liberal newspaper coverage of

religious events, Rudigier’s sermons in particular, increased dramatically, but it hardly

seemed like reporting; it was surveillance. Anti-government statements, especially

concerning the May Laws, were discussed at length and polemicized and especially

the schools’ question dominated the news. Individual liberals also began attending

church services on Sunday with a renewed sense of vigor: they took their place in the

pews on Sunday, took notes on the sermons, and then – when it seemed appropriate –

went to the authorities on Monday to have the priest arrested.

358
Stremayr to Hohenwart, 5 July 1870. OöLA StPr Sch. 418.
359
This action, though concerted, failed to produce the kind of list of “problem-priests” in a
quantity that the administration desired and was soon dropped. OöLA StPr Sch. 418.
 176

The heightened politicization of the clergy, coupled with increased activism of

the state had a predictable outcome: priests on trial. While during the 1850s and 60s,

only a single priest was tried before a court,360 the period from 1872 to 1875 produced

eleven trials involving priests, almost always to counter charges of

“Ehrenbeleidigung” or “Vergehen gegen die öffentliche Ruhe.”361 The former

signified that plaintiff had been insulted, assaulted or somehow harmed in public by

the defendant, the latter that the defendant had committed an act committed against

public order. In only two cases, the Gady trial being one of them, did a priest act as the

plaintiff – in both cases, the priest lost – in all remaining cases, they were defendants.

Of these, eight priests were convicted and three acquitted,362 a relatively high rate,

especially compared to the ease with which liberal defendants seemed to regularly be

acquitted in similar trials. After 1875, the trials quickly tapered off.363 Indeed, by 1900

court proceedings against priests had become rare enough that the civil authorities

360
Franz Pröll, Kooperator in Sarleinsbach, a small town close to Putzleinsdorf near the Bavarian
border, was convicted together with Candide Panz, a 60 yearr-old schoolteacher, of assaulting the tailor
apprentice Franz Stuiber after Stuiber refused to take off his hat when Pröll passed him on the street.
The event took place 15 May 1863 and, from the trial records, seems to have been part of a larger
political and/or personal altercation. Pröll was fined 40 Fl., about a quarter of his monthly salary, and
Panz 20 Fl. See: Urtheil und Ablassungsbeschluß des k.k. Bezirksgerichts Grein, 10 Oktober 1863.
DAL CA/3, Fasz. 1/7, Sch. 23.
361
The numbers given are of court cases that have remained part of the public record, either via
newspaper accounts or as correspondence in the Diözesanarchiv Linz. Because the Bischöfliches
Ordinariat often discarded ‘pesky’ case files after the case was closed, there remain no reliable statistics
on how many court cases actually took place. The following section and statistics are thus based on a
close reading of the Catholic and liberal press in the 1860s and 1870s, as well as the relatively small
amount of correspondence relating to such trials that remains in the archives. DAL CA/3, Fasz. 1/7, Sch
23; DAL CA/4, Fasz. 1/7, Sch. 4; DAL CA/5, Fasz. 1/7, Sch. 3; DAL CA/6, Fasz. 1/7, Sch. 7.
362
In one trial, two priests were co-defendants.
363
Between 1875 and 1880 there were three more cases, between 1881 and 1890 only one, and
between 1891 and 1900 another four.
 177

were repeatedly reprimanded by the Bischöfliches Ordinariat for failing to report

cases to the relevant ecclesiastical authorities, as was required by law.364

The trial of the Kooperator Adam Spießl in St. Veith is, in many respects,

exemplary in this regard and can serve as a model for how most of the trials

proceeded. On 1 June 1873, Spießl had given a sermon on Pentecost that included:

Die jetzige Bildung beruht nicht auf christlichen Grundlagen.

Man baut Schulplätze, um die Bildung zu befördern aber blicken
wir herum; diese Bildung hat nichts hervorgebracht als Raub,
Mord, Ehebruch u.s.w. 30-40 Prozent Schulumlage werden bald
bezahlt werden. Wenn diese Gesetze noch länger fortbestehen,
werden sie den ganzen Nationalreichthum verschlingen.365

The sermon raised eyebrows and sent pens fluttering in the pews, resulting in charges

being brought against Spießl. After a lengthy trial — the verdict only came in January

1874 — Spießl was sentenced to two months in jail. He appealed the verdict all the

way to the Oberlandesgericht in Vienna, losing at each instance.366 The Catholic-

conservative press ignored the trial completely while the liberal Tages-Post waited

until after the verdict to pronounce judgment with a series of small pieces under the

tongue-in-cheek motto, “Eine misslungene Predigt.”367 Fairly typical in the Spießl

trial was the way the case proceeded: first a sermon, then a complaint followed by an

364
See the cases (especially against Haberl and Göllner) and corrspeondence in, DAL CA/8, Fasz.
1/7, Sch. 173.
365
Beschluss des Landesgerichtes Linz. 22 August 1873. DAL CA/4, Fasz. 1/7, Sch. 4.
366
Handel to Speißl, 13 February 1873. DAL CA/4, Fasz. 1/7, Sch. 4.
367
See the articles in the Tages-Post, 4 and 6 January 1874, p. 2 and p. 3, respectively.
 178

indictment, a trial and conviction, and finally a few small newspaper articles in the

liberal press.

Atypical, however, was that Spießl took his case all the way to the

Oberlandesgericht, for such proceedings were accompanied by legal fees well beyond

the means of a regular priest. Already a relatively small sentence of 5 Fl. made a

substantial dent in a priest’s salary, which averaged around 200 Fl. a year – in one

case, the fine levied was even 100 Fl.368 Furthermore, legal help was often difficult to

find and expensive to pay for. Mathäus Kreuzer, a Kooperator in Haigermoos

acquitted after a relatively short trial for saying, “Wir haben eine Schule ohne Gott,”

sent an expense report to the Bischöfliches Konsistorium asking for reimbursement,

which totaled 64 Fl.369 Thus while appeals remained a tactic early on in 1872 and

1873, successive failures at the Oberlandesgericht, coupled with the financial burden

of trials in general, meant that the Bischöfliches Ordinariat stopped condoning such

practices after 1873. In what was an increasingly typical reply by late 1873, the

Bischöfliches Ordinariat wrote to one priest then engaged in legal proceedings,

künftig hin in Ihrem mündlichen oder schriftlichen Verkehr mit

Behörden nicht allein Ausfälle, welche zu Beschwerden Anlass
geben … selbst solche Worte, welche als Ausfälle genommen
werden können, sorgfältigst zu vermeiden. 370

368
Such a fine was levied against Anton Gallbrunner, priest in Gunskirchen, a town of about 2,900
close to Wels, who was convicted for Ehrenbeleidigung after he accused the mayor of having bribed his
immediate predecessor in a school-related matter. DAL CA/5, Fasz. 1/7, Sch. 3.
369
Kreutzer to Rudigier, 24 September 1872. DAL CA/4, Fasz. 1/7, Sch. 4.
370
BO to Mitterschiffthaler, 27 September 1873. DAL CA/4, Fasz. 1/7, Sch. 4.
 179

Such words represent a radical departure from the confrontational tone of only a few

years earlier.

Returning now to the two ‘big’ trials – those of Rudigier and of Gady – it is

clear that while the Rudigier trial was more prominent, it failed to move priests to take

political action – or at least to not yet engage in the type of activity that would lead to

prosecution. It was only in 1872 that priests began being arrested in some numbers.

Why? Though Bishop Rudigier was certainly better known and set an important

precedent in how priests would interact with the state, it did little to spur the sort of

clerical activism that the Kulturkampf is well known for elsewhere. Instead, to find the

roots of this activism, we have to turn to the Gady trial: here was a member of the

lower clergy — in a sense, anonymous: no publications or writings, no explicit

political history, a monk, not even a regular parish priest — who seemed to have been

arbitrarily singled out by the liberal behemoth. Moreover, unlike Rudigier who

shunned any court appearances for ideological reasons, the Gady trial marked the

beginning of a priestly engagement with the court system, albeit one that more often

than not ended in disappointment. Finally, the Gady trial also represented a watershed

for the ‘other side’ – liberal lay Catholics, who now began keeping much closer tabs

on the words and actions of ‘their’ parish priest.

Thus while the trials of Bishop Rudigier, Pater Gady, and of many other priests

in the years after 1872 were judicial failures for the Catholic Church, they nevertheless

spurred an extraordinary level of activism on the part of a hitherto relatively apolitical

clergy. The trials were produced by interlocking strategies – both liberal and Catholic-
 180

conservative – that wanted to make the Kulturkampf a local reality, giving concrete,

graspable form to a hitherto abstract event:

New liberal laws = arrest of our bishop/priest.

Liberal domination of the courts = Beichtstuhlaffären without recourse.

Furthermore, the form of this localization was more often than not as media spectacle.

The newly founded Linzer Volksblatt, only a few months old at the time of the trial,

brought harrowing accounts of the arrest of Bishop Rudigier. As one account stated,

der Anblick der Wegführung war erschütternd. Es sind Männer in

Thränen ausgebrochen, als sie sahen, wie der Oberhirt von
700.000 Katholiken im kirchlichen Ornate… zu Gericht geführt
wurde.371

When confronted with reports in the liberal press that the number of actual onlookers

was rather on the small side, the Volksblatt shot back, “Linz ist noch nicht

Oberösterreich. Das Volk dieses Landes ist nicht rasch, aber nachhältig,” a seemingly

defensive statement that, on the whole, would soon be proven right: Rudigier’s trial

was a first step in creating conservative political activism in Upper Austria.372 And the

reason it could become a spectacle was through the press. The newspapers thus used

Rudigier’s ordeal to promote the idea of the pious priest (and, by extension of the

pious parishioner) existing apart from the liberal state and liberal society, acting as a

371
“Der 5. Juni 1869 in Linz,” Linzer Volksblatt 9 June 1869, p. 1.
372
Rudolf Zinnhobler et al., Bischof Franz Joseph Rudigier und seine Zeit, 1. ed., (Linz, 1987), p.
131.
 181

reminder of the error of their ways, even if those pronouncements could result in

incarceration.

Thus while the courtroom remained a setting where priests and conservative

Catholics remained at a substantial disadvantage throughout the 1860s and 70s,

nowhere else did the seemingly biased nature of the state translate as transparently.

Rudigier’s conviction and Gady’s inability to win his slander trial created a deep-

seated sense of mistrust that was then reinforced by the additional trials of the lower

clergy. To conservative Catholics, the state seemed neither to treat the Catholic

Church with the respect it deserved, nor — and this may even have been more

important in the long run — did it truly seem to treat all its citizens as equal before the

law; the Rechtsstaat was a myth. While the Rudigier trial was an important first step in

consolidating the feeling of solitary among the clerical milieu, it was by no means

sufficient. Rather, it was the Gady trial in 1872, coming on the heels of the First

Vatican Council, the March on Rome, and just as importantly, the heated triptych of

Upper Austrian elections between July 1870 and December of 1871, that marked the

beginning of wide-spread political activism among the clergy. In the months after

1872, priests began to speak more actively and aggressively on marriage and school

laws, on cemeteries, and the freedom of the Church — or at least to get arrested for

doing so, so much that the Bischöfliches Ordinariat began asking priests to avoid

political confrontations where possible.

 182

Chapter Five. A Liberal Church? The ‘Old’ Catholic Imagination

In the crucial years around 1870, it was not just the Catholic Church under

pressure from without to conform to the liberal state, liberal governance and liberal

jurisprudence. Liberal Catholics felt just as strong an act of exclusion from the Church

— their Church: over ninety-five percent of Upper Austrians and eighty percent of

Austrians373 were, after all, Catholic — as they tried to come to terms with the

changes occurring within Catholicism. This next chapter explores the development of

a powerful if ultimately unsuccessful lay movement within the Catholic Church, the

so-called “Old Catholic” movement, which represented a splinter group of liberal

Catholics who refused to accept the dogma of papal infallibility ratified at the first

Vatican Council in Rome in 1870.

On 23 June 1871, Friedrich Michelis, a priest and well-known professor of

philosophy at the Catholic theological faculty in Prussian Braunsberg (Braniewo),374

arrived in the Upper Austrian capital of Linz to give a speech condemning papal

infallibility. Along with the Catholic Church historian Ignaz von Döllinger in Munich,

Michelis was one of the most outspoken opponents of papal infallibility in German-

373
Peter Leisching, "Die Römisch-Katholische Kirche in Cisleithanien," in Die
Habsburgermonarchie 1848-1918, ed. Adam Wandruszka and Peter Urbanitsch, (Vienna, 1985), pp.
88-89.
374
Braunsberg (Braniewo) is the seat of the bishopric of Ermland (Warmia), located in present-day
Poland. In 1870 its population was approximately 54,000. Michelis taught at the Fakultät für Theologie
und Philosophie, a former seminary with about 40 seminarians and 10 professors.
 183

speaking central Europe and his very public excommunication by Bishop Krementz of

Ermland had helped kindle the flame that would become the Kulturkampf in the

German Reich.375 Linz was the third city on his speaking tour after Vienna and Graz,

and the Redoutensaal where he gave his lecture that evening was filled with eager

listeners. He was a large man and entered the hall in his priestly habit to great effect,

his clerical collar stiff against his neck. He had come to lecture about the logical

inconsistencies of papal infallibility, the dogma that had been passed at the Vatican

Council a year earlier and by which the pope’s word became infallible for Catholics

when speaking on matters of dogma.376

Michelis began his lecture by speaking about political conditions in Austria.

He argued that the strictly hierarchical and absolutist Catholic Church created by the

new dogma would eventually force the return of a strict absolutism in governance as

well. In the aftermath of the liberal assumption of government in the Austrian half of

the Monarchy in 1867, an enduring modernization of Austrian government and society

could happen only in tandem with a real reform of the Catholic Church; otherwise, the

newly passed reforms of a liberal state would eventually come to naught. Liberal

Catholics in Upper Austria, having witnessed the scandal surrounding Rudigier’s

pastoral letter and the subsequent rise of a Catholic political movement designed to

375
On the conflict his excommunication provoked, see the documents in, Fritz Hartung, ed., Die
Vorgeschichte des Kutlurkampfes. Quellenveröffentlichung aus dem Deutschen Zentralarchiv, (Berlin,
1956). On Michelis, see, Willi Belz, Friedrich Michelis und seine Bestreitung der Neuscholastik in der
Polemik gegen Joseph Kleutgen, (Leiden, 1978); Michael Buchberger and Konrad Hofmann, eds.,
Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche, 10 vols., (Freiburg i.Br., 1930-38), vol. VII, p. 175.
376
The exact definition stated that the Pope’s words were infallible “when, exercising the office of
pastor and teacher of all Christians, he defines… a doctrine concerning faith and morals to be held by
the whole Church.”
 184

roll back the liberal reforms, could only too readily agree. Upper Austria, Michelis

now argued, had a special role to play in this change. It marked the border between

Austria and the new German Reich and thus seemed predestined “den

Vereinigungspunkt mit Deutschland im Sinne des geistigen Fortschritts zu bilden.”377

For his liberal Catholic audience that evening in Upper Austria, the year 1870

had been doubly frustrating. During the first Vatican Council, held from December

1869 until July 1870, the Catholic Church codified papal infallibility, which in the

eyes of most liberals created an ‘altered’ or ‘new’ Catholic Church, thoroughly

incompatible with the ideals of a modern liberal society. The final vote of the bishops

in Rome to codify the new “papal constitution,” Pastor Aeternus came on 18 July

1870. The following day, France declared war on Prussia, an event that paved the way

for an eventual unification of Germany without the Habsburg lands. Thus, over the

course of a year, liberal Catholics in Upper Austria first experienced abandonment by

‘their’ Church and then exclusion from ‘their’ nation. Upper Austrian liberals saw

themselves surrounded by a “black international,”378 of ultramontane Catholics;

Rudigier’s policies in Upper Austria, they argued, were “a link in the chain, which

goes from Rome through Vienna to Germany, from east to west, holding the German

Reich and the German Nation captive.”379 Within the Habsburg Monarchy, since there

377
An article covering the speech can be found in, Tages-Post, 24 June 1871. See also, Archiv für
Katholisches Kirchenrecht 26 (1871), cxxx-cxxxi.
378
Hans Josef Demmel, Geschichte des Alt-Katholizismus in Oesterreich, (Kempten, Allgäu,
1914), p. 22.
379
Karl Wiser, Die Leistungen des hochw. Bischofes von Linz, Franz Josef Rudigier in Beziehung
auf den Sekular- und Kloster-Klerus in Oberösterreich vom Juni 1853 bis Ende 1870, (Linz, 1872), p.
16.
 185

was little hope of ‘national’ salvation in a German or Italian fashion, liberals turned to

the Catholic Church, seeking to make it less Roman.

Michelis was thus mostly preaching to the converted that evening,380 but his

emphasis on the interplay of church and state in Austria in the aftermath of infallibility

raises three important issues: First, by the late 1860s, liberals in Austria saw the age of

the ‘modern’ state — wonderfully constitutional and ardently secular — as close at

hand. The Vatican Council’s ‘dogmatic constitution’ seemed like not only an affront

to their liberal sensibilities, but a real threat to the existence of any ostensibly

independent state containing a Catholic population.381 How, liberals asked, could a

Rechtsstaat exist when a pope could — seemingly arbitrarily — designate the laws of

a sovereign state as just or unjust for that state’s Catholic citizens? And could he then

demand that Catholics ignore those laws? The protest movement against papal

infallibility was thus seen as a ‘last’ chance for liberal Catholics to reform the Church

from within, to restructure the foundations of the Catholic Church and bring them in

accordance with a liberal conception of social order.

Second, the protest movement developed at a time when church-state relations

in Austria were in flux. The conservative Austrian Concordat of 1855 and the liberal

May Laws of 1868 had pulled and pushed relations from one extreme to the other in a

380
As a marker of his success in the region: Michelis was already planning a follow up tour of
Upper Austria in the fall, with stops in Gmunden, Ried, Steyr and Wels. Tages-Post, 24 June 1871.
381
This was, in fact, not wholly correct. The definition passed in Rome made the pope’s word
infallible when speaking on the teachings of the Church, i.e. in matters of dogma. In more worldly
matters — as Bishop of Rome or speaking on the politics of the days — this did not apply.
Nevertheless, to liberals in Europe in 1871 this was all conjecture. On the European dimensions see,
Clark, "New Catholicism," p. 71.
 186

decade. Within weeks of the final vote on 18 July 1870, the government unilaterally

annulled the concordat, arguing that infallibility had changed the legal position of the

papacy as a contract partner.382 The dramatic changes that had occurred in the

Monarchy — a liberal government in Vienna, a constitution, and now even a seeming

willingness of the government to take on the Catholic Church — thus motivated the

liberals to go further: if the state could be reformed, so could the Church! The

development of a protest movement of liberal Catholics, initially working within the

structures of their Church, needs to be understood in this light and also helps to bring

out how Austria Kulturkampf differed from its neighbors farther north and west.

Finally, although the movement failed in its initial goal of instituting liberal

reform within the Roman Catholic Church, it did succeed in redefining the boundaries

between church and state. From 1871 until 1877, when the Old Catholic Church — as

the movement then came to call itself — became legally recognized as a confession in

the Monarchy, dissident Catholics existed in a sort of legal limbo: the Roman Catholic

Church called the protesters a heretical sect and excommunicated them as a whole; the

382
Vocelka, Verfassung oder Konkordat, pp. 168-170. Indeed, the damage caused by a rash
annulment of the Concordat had largely been forseen by the Belcredi government in 1866. The
Ministerrat had been contemplating an annulment of the Concordat for several years but those attempts
had all stumbled over legal hurdles. Horst Brettner-Messler, ed., Die Protokolle des Österreichischen
Ministerrates . VI. Abteilung. Das Ministerium Belcredi, vol. 2: 8. April 1866 - 6. Februar 1867,
(Vienna, 1973), pp. 283-284. Even the government seemed split on the decision. Though Francis Joseph
was more than willing to go the route — he wrote to his mother that it was the “best, and also the
mildest, answer to Rome’s unlucky decision” — Potocki, the Minister President and a pious member of
the Polish upper nobility, refused to sign the document. Thus the decision came as a note from the
Emperor directly to the Minister for Education and Religion, rather than to the government as a whole.
Macartney, Habsburg Empire, pp. 574-575. On Church-state relations in the 1850s and 60s in general,
see: Karl Vocelka, "Staat und Kirche in der Periode der deutschliberalen Herrschaft," in Studien zum
Deutschliberalismus in Zisleithanien, 1873-1879: Herrschaftsfundierung und Organisationsformen des
politischen Liberalismus, ed. Leopold Kammerhofer and Friedrich Edelmayer, (Vienna, 1992);
Weinzierl-Fischer, Konkordate.
 187

state, meanwhile, still considered them Catholic, since they had not formally left

“their” church; the Old Catholics, meanwhile, did little to dispel this notion – they

were, they argued, the ‘true’ Catholics.383 In these six years there occurred a

bureaucratic war in many communities between Old Catholics and the local Roman

Catholic administration. As covered in Chapter Three, Josephinist practice left parish

priests in control of entering the births, deaths and marriages of Catholics in the

registries on behalf of the state. Moreover, these registries remained in the parish

church. Thus when an entry was contested, it was local priests and not government

officials who determined how an entry would be made. The parish priest could thus

decide which wedding, baptism or burial was “properly” Catholic and would be

entered into the registries. As the divergence between the laws of a liberal state and

the practices of an exclusionary Roman Catholic Church grew in wake of the Old

Catholic movement, state officials began to intervene in how priests kept their parish

registries, slowly breaking up an administrative arrangement in place since the late

eighteenth century.

The chapter will begin by examining the origins of the Old Catholic movement

in Upper Austria. How did liberal lay Catholics perceive the first Vatican Council and

on what theoretical foundations did they base their conception of a “true” Catholic

Church? The second section will turn to the Old Catholic communities that began to

emerge in Upper Austria. Where did they emerge and why in these places? How did

383
For some time in the early 1870s, both sides referred to themselves as the Catholic Church. In
order to keep the terms separated: by dissident Catholics I mean lay Catholics at odds with infallibility;
Old Catholics are those lay Catholics and clergy that officially joined the movement; and the terms
Catholics and Roman Catholics refer to lay Catholics and clergy who stayed with the Roman Catholic
Church and thus accepted the dogma of infallibility in some form.
 188

the Catholic clergy react? What sort of priests ‘turned’ to become Old Catholics?

Finally, in the last section, I will turn to what the Old Catholic movement meant for

the church-state conflict in the 1870s – how it contributed to the praxis of liberal

statehood.

A ‘Liberal’ Church for a Liberal Era?

The Old Catholic movement initially called for the safeguarding of a ‘true’

Catholicism as it existed before 18 July 1870.384 Rather quickly, however, it evolved

into something more: a liberal vision of how the Catholic Church should fit into a

‘modern’ liberal society. As we already saw in previous chapters, liberals in Upper

Austria often had very specific conceptions of the Catholic Church’s role in modern

society. In Upper Austria, this conflict reached its initial climax in 1868/9 with the

passage of the May Laws in 1868, Bishop Rudigier’s confiscated pastoral letter in

response to the new laws, and his arrest, trial and conviction soon thereafter. When the

debate on infallibility began in earnest at the Vatican Council in 1870, liberal Upper

Austrians seemed more convinced than ever that the relationship between the Catholic

Church and the state needed to be thoroughly restructured. For them, the actions of

384
On the Old Catholic Church in general, see: Angela Berlis, Frauen im Prozeß der
Kirchwerdung. Eine historisch-theologische Studie zur Anfangsphase des deutschen Altkatholizismus,
(Berlin, 1998); Olaf Blaschke, "Der Altkatholizismus 1870 bis 1945. Nationalismus, Antisemitismus
und Nationalsozialismus," Historische Zeitschrift 261 (1995); Ewald Keßler, "Vom Katholikentag zum
Alt-Katholikenkongreß," Kirchliches Jahrbuch für die Alt-Katholiken in Deutschland 69 (1970); Urs
Küry, Die Altkatholische Kirche. Ihre Geschichte, ihre Lehre, ihr Anliegen, (Stuttgart, 1966); Johann
Friedrich Ritter von Schulte, Der Altkatholicismus. Geschichte seiner Entwicklung, inneren
Gestaltungen und rechtlichen Stellung in Deutschland, (Giessen, 1887). For the Habsburg Monarchy,
see: Demmel, Geschichte des Alt-Katholizismus; Hans Hoyer, "Die Altkatholische Kirche," in Die
Habsburgermonarchie 1848-1918, ed. Adam Wandruszka and Peter Urbanitsch, (Vienna, 1985);
Wilhelmine Zankl, "Geschichte der Altkatholischen Kirche Österreichs," Österreichisches Archiv fur
Kirchenrecht 31 (1980).
 189

Bishop Rudigier had demonstrated that a reform of the state could only do so much if

the authority of the state could nevertheless be called into question.

The Beginnings of Protest in Upper Austria

In Upper Austria, the protest against infallibility began even before the final

vote had taken place.385 On 15 July 1870 — two days after a preliminary vote had

been held in Rome, but 3 days before the final vote — a large headline appeared on

the front page of the liberal Tages-Post addressed “To the Catholics of Upper

Austria!” The article continued,

Nehmen wir diese Kriegserklärung an den Geist des

Christenthums auf und bekämpfen wir die Feinde der Freiheit und
Civilisation, indem wir uns enge zusammenscharen unter dem
Rufe: Wir wollen keine neue von den Jesuiten erfundene
Religion, und verlangen von unseren Priestern, dass sie nur der
Fahne der erleuchteten deutschen Bischöfe, die unterlegen sind,
folgen.386

The article asked those interested to contact the paper so that associations could be

formed and meetings held to work against infallibility. The clerical Linzer Volksblatt,

however, had gotten wind of the article even before its publication and brought a

rebuttal the same day, admonishing the Tages-Post for believing infallibility a done

385
In the first vote, 13 July 1870, 451 voted for the definition, 88 against, and 62 “yes with
reservations.” When the final vote was held three days later, 55 bishops had already departed. The final
vote was 533 yes and 2 against. Owen Chadwick, A History of the Popes, 1830-1914, (Oxford and New
York, 1998), pp. 213-214.
386
Emphasis in the original. Tages-Post, 15 July 1870.
 190

deal. In a smaller article a few pages later it then also added the results of the earlier

vote from 13 July.

After the final vote on 18 July, the liberal papers swung into full gear. In a

typical formulation, the liberal Rieder Wochenblatt commented that the

“ungeheuerlichste Attentat gegen den gesunden Menschenverstand wurde in Rom

durch die feierliche Abstimmung über die Unfehlbarkeit des Papstes ausgeübt.”387 But

it was the Tages-Post that took the lead in the anti-infallibility movement. In a series

of articles following the final vote on 18 July, it lamented the creation of a “new

religion, the Roman-Jesuitical” and argued:

Alle Beschlüsse dieses Konzils sind für uns Katholiken null und
nichtig, die Überstimmung sämtlicher Väter fehlt, die Freiheit
und die unbefangene Wahrhaftigkeit hat unter den Bischöfen
nicht geherrscht. Es ist kein ökumenisches Konzil. Wir haben
volle Religionsfreiheit; mag wer will sich dieser neuen Religion
anschließen, die denkenden, zurechnungsfähigen Katholiken …
werden es nicht thun. Niemand hat das Recht einem Pfarrer, der
in Übereinstimmung mit der Majorität seiner Gemeinde, dem
alten Glauben treu bleiben will, entgegen zu treten. [die
Redaktion] fordert die Regierung auf, eine Landes-Synode
altkatholischer Priester und Laien baldmöglichst einzuberufen.388

Though such sentiments were echoed by many if not most liberal clubs and even a

good number of municipal councils throughout Upper Austria, there were as yet few

387
Rieder Wochenblatt, 26 July 1870.
388
Tages-Post, 22 July 1870.
 191

signs of an organized protest movement. And with the Franco-Prussian war in full

swing, thoughts quickly turned elsewhere. While two pamphlets by the well-known

Prague theologian Johann Friedrich von Schulte managed to stir up a little wind in

early 1871, they failed to ignite any widespread resistance.389

Döllinger’s Open Letter

Not until March of 1871 did the protest movement finally receive its wake-up

call. After being asked by his bishop whether he would accept the dogma, the well-

known Munich Church historian Ignaz von Döllinger390 responded with a powerful

open letter explaining why he could not accept infallibility: “Als Christ, als Theologe,

als Geschichtskundiger, als Bürger kann ich diese Lehre nicht annehmen.“391 The

letter, reprinted in most liberal papers in Germany and Austria, became a sensation

and the above sentence was repeated time and again as the guiding light of the new

movement.

Each angle — Christian, theologian, historian and citizen — is central to

understanding the spectrum of liberal Catholic discontent and the form of its proposed

solution. In the following section, I will focus less on what Döllinger meant by these

389
Johann Friedrich Ritter von Schulte, Die Macht der römischen Päpste über Fürsten, Länder,
Völker, Individuen nach ihren Lehren und Handlungen seit Gregor VII zur Würdigung ihrer
Unfehlbarkeit beleuchtet, (Prague, 1871); Johann Friedrich Ritter von Schulte, Die Stellung der
Concillien, Päpste und Bischöfe vom historischen und canonischen Standpunkte und die päpstliche
Constitution vom 18. Juli 1870, (Prague, 1871).
390
Döllinger, already a prominent figure among scholars and nationally-minded German Catholics
in the 1850s and 60s, became a sensation in the run-up to the Council through the series of anonymous
letters penned under the name of Janus that attacked the theological foundations of infallibility. (His
identity was exposed.) Then, a year later, his very public refusal to accept infallibility in the above open
letter to the bishop of Munich made him a hero of liberal Catholics everywhere.
391
From Döllinger’s letter to the bishop of Munich, Gregor von Scherr, 28 March 1871. In the
Tages-Post, the letter appeared on the front page in three parts, from 2 to 5 April 1871.
 192

words and more on how they resonated among liberal Catholics in Upper Austria.392

First, the use of Christian rather than Catholic represented an ecumenical and national

argument.393 It pointed to the desire that Germany — especially in the wake of

unification — needed to bridge the religious divide between Catholics and Protestants.

As Döllinger had already said in a speech given in 1863:

Die deutsche Einheit ist die Vereinigung der Konfessionen in

Deutschland … So hat dann auch die deutsche Theologie den
Beruf, die getrennten Konfessionen einmal wieder in höherer
Einheit zu versöhnen.394

392
Though Döllinger gives his own reasons, my concern here is how each of these points
resonated among lay liberal Catholics in Upper Austria, especially since the quote usually stood alone,
without the rest of Döllinger’s letter. The rest of the paragraph reads,

Nicht als Christ: denn sie ist unverträglich mit dem Geiste des Evangeliums und mit den
klaren Aussprachen Christi und der Apostel; sie will gerade das Imperium dieser Welt
ausrichten, welches Christus ablehnte, will die Herrschaft über die Gemeinden, welche
Petrus Allen und sich selbst verbot. Nicht als Theologe: denn die gesamte echte
Tradition der Kirche steht ihr unversöhnlich entgegen. Nicht als Geschichtskenner kann
ich annehmen, denn also solcher weiß ich, daß das beharrliche Streben, diese Theorie
der Weltherrschaft zu verwirklichen, Europe Ströme von Blut gekostet, ganze Länder
verwirrt und heruntergebracht, den schönen organischen Verfassungsbau der älteren
Kirche gerüttelt und die ärgsten Mißbrauche in der Kirche erzeugt, genährt und
festgehalten hat. Als Bürger endlich muß ich sie von mir weisen, weil sie mit ihren
Ansprüchen auf Unterwerfung der Staaten und Monarchen und der ganzen politischen
Ordnung unter die päpstliche Gewalt und durch die eximierte Stellung, welche sie für
den Klerus fordert, den Grund legt zu endloser verderblicher Zwietracht zwischen Staat
und Kirche, zwischen Geistlichen und Laien.

On Döllinger and the Old Catholic movement, also see, Berlis, Frauen im Prozeß, p. 111; Franz Xavier
Bischof, Theologie und Geschichte: Ignaz von Döllinger (1799-1890) in der zweiten Hälfte seines
Lebens; ein Beitrag zu seiner Biographie, (Stuttgart, 1997), p. 260 ff.
393
Anglican theologians made similar arguments before and after the Council. See, Robert
Fitzsimons, "The Church of England and the First Vatican Council," Journal of Religious History 27
(2003): pp. 30-31.
394
Ignaz von Döllinger, "Die Vergangenheit und Gegenwart der katholischen Theologie. (Speech
held 28. September 1863 to open the meeting of the Münchener Gelehrtenversammlung)," in Theologie
in Aufbruch und Widerstreit. Die deutsche katholische Theologie im 19. Jahrhundert, ed. Leo
Scheffczyk, (Bremen, 1965), pp. 274-276.
 193

In the wake of the Franco-Prussian war, this point was certainly not lost on them.

Would one suddenly preclude the other, they wondered? “Deutschland hat seine

politische Einigung erreicht,” wrote the Tages-Post in June of 1871,

es soll daher dahin gearbeitet werden, daß auch eine Einigung in

religiöser Beziehung wenigstens angebahnt, daß nicht statt der
bisherigen Zweitheilung eine Dreitheilung, sonder nach und nach
eine Einheit erziehlt wird.395

Though neither Döllinger nor any of the other liberal Catholics saw a conversion to

Protestantism as the answer to their religious qualms with Rome, they also realized

that a strictly Ultramontane Catholic Church would only drive a further wedge

between the two confessions.396 They thus sought to emphasize the national and

episcopal — rather than Rome-centered and hierarchical — elements in Church

organization.397

Among German-speaking Catholics, such sentiments had a long history. From

the reformation onward, theological currents existed within Catholicism that sought to

strengthen the national element of the Church within the German lands. Before the

nineteenth century, these efforts mostly came from within the Catholic hierarchy — by

395
Tages-Post, 4 June 1871.
396
Some bishops returning from the council also shared this view, most prominently the Bishop of
Rottenburg, Karl Josef von Hefele, who had written Lord Acton before the council warning that
Germany would be Protestant within two years if the dogma was passed. Chadwick, History of the
Popes, p. 188; Weinzierl, Päpstliche Autorität, pp. 209-210. On this point in general, also see, Margaret
Lavinia Anderson, Windthorst: A Political Biography, (Oxford, 1981), pp. 121-123; Gross, War
Against Catholicism, p. 118.
397
For German theologians, the episcopal conception of the Catholic Church — i.e., centered
around the role of the bishop and thus in contrast to the Ultramontane conception centered around the
pope — always went hand in hand with demands for a national synod and a more Rome-independent
Church.
 194

prominent ecclesiastics such as Febronius (Johann Chrysostomus Nikolaus von

Hontheim) in Trier or inspired by documents such as the Koblenzer Gravamina in the

eighteenth century398 — and were fiercely resisted by both the pope in Rome and the

emperor in Vienna. Each ruler feared that a strong episcopal Church would develop

into a national institution to rival the papal curia or the imperial court. In the aftermath

of the Napoleonic wars, the episcopal sentiments remained and many bishops in the

first generation to take office after 1815 had episcopal sympathies. Only after the 1830

July Revolution in France and the 1837 struggle over marriage laws in Prussian

Cologne did the number of episcopal sympathizers in the higher clergy begin to

diminish.399 In the 1840s, the Deutschkatholiken movement briefly emerged as one of

the first wide-spread lay efforts to counter the growing authoritarianism, ostentation

and “anti-German” feeling emanating from the Catholic Church. In its original guise

in Baden, Hessen and the Rhineland, the movement was largely the attempt by

middle-class Catholics, Protestants and even occasionally Jews at finding a national

and non-Ultramontane answer to the confessional problems plaguing Germany.400 At

its height in 1848, the movement had between 100,000 and 150,000 supporters in

398
Schnabel, Deutsche Geschichte, vol. 4, pp. 9-11. Von Hontheim’s treatise, De statu Ecclesiae
(1763) popularized the term ultramontan in German-speaking central Europe. Boutry,
"Ultramontanism," p. 1529.
399
On these points, see the discussion in, Weinzierl, Päpstliche Autorität, pp. 187-193.
400
Within the Habsburg Monarchy, by contrast, the social cleavages tended to be national rather
than confessional and the Deutschkatholiken movement there took a decidedly different direction. Thus
while the Deutschkatholiken movement did find followers in the Monarchy, these consisted of
disaffected members of the lower clergy – and their supporters – appealing for a greater
democratization within the Catholic Church. The renegade priests demanded a democratically elected
hierarchy, the liturgy in the vernacular — a strong national argument within the Habsburg monarchy —
and the end of priestly celibacy. The movement was also not an exclusively German phenomenon:
Young Czech priests, for example, made similar demands in Prague in 1848. Stanley Z. Pech, The
Czech Revolution of 1848, (Chapel Hill, 1969), chpt. 15.
 195

Germany and Austria, but was quickly squashed in the more authoritarian 1850s.401

Educated liberal Catholics in the 1850s, for whom both the basic outlines of the

theological debate and certainly the Deutschkatholiken movement was common

knowledge, Döllinger’s use of the word Christ rather than Katholik seemed a very

deliberate choice.

The second and third angles, those of theological and historical protest, need to

be considered together, for they combine two arguments that stem from the same

source. For liberal Catholics, the model Church was that of the thirteenth to fifteenth

centuries, especially as represented by the Council of Constance (1414-18). Constance

not only took place on “German” soil but also represented a key moment in Church

history when the ecclesiastical hierarchy, representatives of the “nations,” and

knowledgeable members of the laity caucused together to remove the three existing

401
It did not, however, completely die out: a report from the Bischöfliches Ordinariat in 1853
mentions a Kooperator in St. Radegund, Georg Niedereder, who secretly fled from his Upper Austrian
post in 1851 to Fürth in Bavaria to join the Deutschkatholiken. His traveling papers were not in order,
however, but rather than return home he emigrated to America. A year later, he returned to Upper
Austria and rejoined the regular clergy. He spent the rest of his life as various types of assistant priest,
never joining the ranks fo the regular clergy. Franz Rieder to Eduard Bach, 7 January 1852. DAL CA/3
Fasz. 1/7 Sch. 23. Also see, Dannerbauer, General-Schematismus, p. 648; Russinger, Ergänzungsband,
p. 213.
On the Deutschkatholiken: The figure is from, Dagmar Herzog, Intimacy and Exclusion: Religious
Politics in Pre-Revolutionary Baden, (Princeton, 1996), p. 60. Nipperdey has a much lower figure of
about 60,000. Nipperdey, Deutsche Geschichte, 1800-1866, p. 412. The best current overview of the
movement is provided by, Andreas Holzem, Kirchenreform und Sektenstiftung. Deutschkatholiken,
Reformkatholiken und Ultramontane am Oberrhein (1844-1866), (Paderborn, 1994). Also see, George
A. Kertesz, "A Rationalist Heresy as a Political Model: The Deutschkatholiken of the 1840s, the
Democratic Movement and the Moderate Liberals," Journal of Religious History 13 (1985). On the
shroud-pilgrimage to Trier, the original impetus for the movement, see the seminal article by, Wolfgang
Schieder, "Kirche und Revolution. Sozialgeschichtliche Aspekte der Trierer Wallfahrt von 1844,"
Archiv für Sozialgeschichte 14 (1974). On the Deutschkatholiken in Vienna see, Bunnell, Before
Infallibility, p. 123; Reuben John Rath, The Viennese Revolution of 1848, (Austin, 1957). Rudigier, then
a Hofkaplan in Vienna, received a threatening anonymous letter from a Deutschkatholik in August 1848
— probably like many Ultramontane seminarians — demanding that he leave the city. A few weeks
later he did, fearing for his safety. Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. I, pp. 182-183.
 196

rival Popes and elect a fourth to end the Great Schism.402 Now in the nineteenth

century, liberal Catholics looked to Constance as a conciliar model for the Catholic

Church in modern times: By emphasizing lay participation — about half of the

participants of the Council of Constance were not members of the clergy — Constance

seemed democratic and inclusive. By recognizing national interests — representatives

of England, France, Germany, Spain, and Italy were present and a number of reforms

relating to their respective national interests were passed — it seemed like the right

model for how the papacy should behave in and era that was becoming both

increasingly democratic and national.403 As the retired Viennese priest and

government official Wenzel Josef Reichel argued in a pamphlet that appeared a few

weeks after the publication of Döllinger’s letter, the Catholic “Volk” had a

“Mitsprechrecht“ in the Church. While past councils invited worldly rulers, he

continued, this one did not, and whereas in the past questions of dogma had been

402
“It was as close as the Middle Ages came to the Congress of Vienna or the United Nations,” as
one historian has commented. Francis Oakley, The Conciliarist Tradition: Constitutionalism in the
Catholic Church, 1300-1870, (Oxford, 2003), p. 21. On the theological and historical debate
surrounding Constance, see Chapter 5 in Oakley, and, Thomas M. Izbicki, "Papalist Reaction to the
Council of Constance: Juan de Torquemada to the Present," Church History 55 (Mar., 1986): esp. pp.
15-18.
403
A good discussion on the meaning of ‘nations’ in the medieval period can be found in, Ernst H.
Kanterowicz, "Pro Patria Mori in Medieval Political Thought," American Historical Review 56 (April,
1951). The Council of Constance, which laid the groundwork for the conciliar conception of the
Catholic Church was, however, also the council that condemned and burned the Bohemian priest Jan
Hus — an important precursor of Martin Luther — which may help explain the inability, four centuries
later, of the Old Catholic movement to thrive among Czech Catholics, for whom Hus was an important
national symbol. Indeed, a variation of the Old Catholic movement emerged in Bohemia at the turn of
the century, but never found enduring success among Czech-speakers. J. F. N. Bradley, "The Old
Catholics and Pan-Slavism in Bohemia in 1904," Slavonic and East European Review 39 (1961).
 197

decided by the majority of Catholics, here they were not.404 In an era that increasingly

saw rigorous scholarship — Wissenschaft — toted as the ultimate arbiter of truth, the

idea that such an alternate vision of the Church could be scientifically “excavated”

from the past had a great deal of resonance.405

These historical examples also tied into theological streams of thought that

emerged in the first half of the nineteenth century, most notably in the ideas of the

influential theologian Johann Adam Möhler. Möhler was a Catholic priest who had

studied in Protestant Berlin and taught in confessionally mixed Tübingen before

joining the theological faculty in Munich in the 1830s, where he arrived at the express

invitation of his friend Döllinger. He was very much a product of the romantic age and

of a conservative reaction against the French revolution. His most famous book,

Symbolik,406 quickly became a standard text in Catholic theological faculties

throughout the German states and in Austria.407 In it, Möhler argued that in an era

when society was increasingly secular and the state increasingly powerful, only a

strong and universal institution that stood above both, i.e., the Catholic Church, could

404
Wenzel Josef Reichel, Ist die Lehre von der Unfehlbarkeit des römischen Papstes Katholisch?,
(Vienna, 1871). See the reference in, “Eine neue Broschüre wider die Unfehlbarkeit” Tages-Post, 11
May 1871. The pamphlet is also mentioned in, Demmel, Geschichte des Alt-Katholizismus, pp. 14-15.
405
A good portrait of Old Catholic historians ‘digging’ for a usable past can be found in, Michael
O'Neill Printy, "Perfect Societies: German States and the Roman Catholic Revolution, 1648-1806"
(Ph.D. Dissertation, University of California, Berkeley, 2002), pp. 18-33.
406
Johann Adam Möhler, Symbolik oder Darstellung der dogmatischen Gegensätze der
Katholiken und Protestanten, (Mainz, 1832).
407
Rudigier, for example, read it within the first weeks of arriving at the
Priesterfortbildungsinstitut in Vienna in 1838. Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. I, p. 139. On Möhler,
see, Franklin, Nineteenth-Century Churches, pp. 135-136, 141-133 and passim; McCool, Catholic
Theology in the Nineteenth Century, pp. 67-68; Schnabel, Deutsche Geschichte, vol. III, pp. 119-124,
vol. IV, pp. 165-174.
 198

save mankind, a sentiment he shared with many other leading theologians of the

time.408 The most enduring theological legacy of the book, however, was Möhler’s

idea of the Church as an organic whole. The Catholic Church, he argued, was not just

the sum of its physical structures or its ecclesiastical hierarchy, but was based on the

communal life of its believers. Each parish, each diocese, each metropolis and,

ultimately, the Church as a whole under the pope, came together to form what Möhler

called the “mystical body of Christ.”409 As R. William Franklin has argued, this made

him “the first Roman Catholic theologian for a thousand years to argue that the ground

of the Church was not the clergy or the state, but the communal life of all

believers.”410 Like the well-known French priest Félicité Robert de Lammenais411

who, in the late 1820s and 1830s, advocated a strict separation of church and state so

that the Catholic Church could become a stronger and more independent body, Möhler

cannot easily be classified as liberal or conservative. Though many of his students

were avowedly Ultramontane, Möhler’s ideas about the Church as an organic

408
Most of the book attempted to demonstrate how Protestantism, even more than the French
revolution, had paved the way for such a secular society and state.
409
Leo XIII used Möhler’s imagery in his 1896 Encyclical Satis Cognitum, though he made sure to
emphasize that the mystical body had a papal head. Pope Leo XIII, Satis Cognitum. Encyclical of Pope
Leo XIII on the Unity of the Church, 1896 The Vatican, [cited 15 June 2005]. Available from
<http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/leo_xiii/encyclicals/documents/hf_l-xiii_enc_29061896_satis-
cognitum_en.html>. A century later, Pius XII took up the idea of the Mystici Corporis Christi in his
encyclical of the same name. On the Mystical Body of Christ, 29 June 1943.
410
Franklin, Nineteenth-Century Churches, p. 17. Schnabel agrees in spirit, see, Schnabel,
Deutsche Geschichte, vol. III, pp. 121-122.
411
On Lammenais and theological strands in Catholicism before 1848 in general see, Jacques
Gadille et al., eds., Liberalismus, Industrialisierung, Expansion Europas (1830-1914), vol. 11,
(Freiburg, 1997); McCool, Catholic Theology in the Nineteenth Century; Leo Scheffczyk, ed.,
Theologie in Aufbruch und Widerstreit. Die deutsche katholische Theologie im 19. Jahrhundert,
(Bremen, 1965); Gerhard Valerius, Deutscher Katholizismus und Lamennais. Die Auseinandersetzung
in der katholischen Publizistik 1817-1854, (Mainz, 1983).
 199

community of its worshipers resonated strongly among liberals.412 Döllinger, who

made sure Möhler found a place to teach in Munich after the latter began feeling

uncomfortable in Tübingen, was greatly influenced by his ideas, and Döllinger’s open

letter from April 1871 now argued that infallibility destroyed “den schönen

organischen Verfassungsbau der älteren Kirche.“413

Finally, there is Döllinger’s protest as Bürger, as citizen. In many of the public

displays of support for Döllinger by liberal clubs throughout Germany and the western

Habsburg Monarchy, it was this issue — that infallibility made real citizenship in a

modern (nation-) state impossible — which most often received attention. As Heinrich

Heyßler, a lawyer from Linz, and his wife Helene Heyßler wrote in an open letter to

the Linz Gemeindevorstehung in August 1870:

Im Staate allein finden die wichtigsten Belange des Menschen die

Vorbedingungen ihres Schutzes … und je freiere Hallen jene
Staatsform … dem Leben seiner Bürger öffnet, um so fester
müssen die Säulen dieses Gebäudes stehen und diese Säulen sind
die Gesetze. Eine Religion aber, welche … ihren Dogmen … der
Willkür, den Schwächen und den Zwecken eines Einzelnen
unterwirft, gibt die Gesetze dem Hinfälligen und Mangelhaften in
der Menschennatur preis und untergräbt damit die Zivilisation

412
On differing interpretations of Möhler in the second half of the nineteenth century, see,
Franklin, Nineteenth-Century Churches, pp. 208-212. On his mentor, J.S. Drey, and the Tübinger
Schule of scholastic theology, see, Joseph Fitzer, "J. S. Drey and the Search for a Catholic Philosophy
of Religion," The Journal of Religion 63 (Jul., 1983).
413
See note 407, above. As Ernst Troeltsch aptly remarked, neo-scholasticism and Thomism won
out over “die Schule Möhlers und Döllingers, die ihr in Wahrheit doch den Boden bereitet hatte.” Ernst
Troeltsch, "Die Restaurationsepoche am Anfang des 19. Jahrhunderts," (1913), in Gesammelte
Schriften von Ernst Troeltsch, ed. Hans Baron, (1925), p. 605.
 200

weil sie die Grundlagen des Staates erschüttert.414

Liberals could not and did not want to conceive of a higher authority than the state and

were shocked when bishops throughout Europe began turning to Acts 5.29: “We must

obey God rather than any human authority,” in their sermons and writings on the

liberal state.415 As the Tages-Post summed up, “durch die jesuitisch-ultramontane

Partei [ist die Katholische Kirche] zu einer staatsgefährlichen Konfession umgeändert

worden”. 416 In a democratic, modern and multi-confessional polity, the liberal state

was the institution that could best steer society away from the trappings of an outdated

feudal order. A Catholic Church that purported to stand above these efforts at social,

political and economic reform — indeed, above the notion of equality itself — was

ardently in need of change. As the German liberal Paul Hinschius remarked in his

pamphlet on the new dogma, infallibility amounted to a “death sentence passed against

the modern state.”417

In retrospect, it is extremely difficult to accurately gauge the potential for

reform within the Catholic Church that existed in 1869 and the first half of 1870. It is

important to remember that over half of the Habsburg Monarchy’s fifty-eight bishops

voted in Rome with the so-called minority against infallibility during the first vote on

13 July 1870. Thus even the upper reaches of the Austro-Hungarian Catholic hierarchy

414
Letter from Dr. Heinrich Heyßler and Helene Heyßler, Tages-Post, 3 August 1870.
415
Rudigier often used this phrase. He cited it in his pastoral letter against the May Laws in 1868,
again in a speech on infallibility in Steyr in 1870, and also while debating the implementation of the
May Laws in the Upper Austrian Diet. See p. 205, below; and, Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. II, p. 41.
416
Linzer Tages-Post, 30 April 1871.
417
Paul Hinschius, Die päpstliche Unfehlbarkeit und das vatikanische Koncil, (Berlin, 1871).
Quoted in, Gross, War Against Catholicism, p. 242.
 201

seemed set against a formal definition for infallibility.418 Cardinal Rauscher of Vienna,

the de facto head of the Austrian bishops, was one of the leaders of the anti-

infallibility minority, and that Bishop Strossmayer of Djakovo in Habsburg Croatia

was the last bishop anywhere in the world to publicly submit to the new dogma,

waiting until December of 1872 to officially publish it in his diocese.419 Even

conservative and traditionally Ultramontane bishops, such as Feßler from St. Pölten, a

close friend of Rudigier’s, argued publicly for a moderate interpretation of the doctrine

of infallibility.420 Within Austria, it was thus not just the anti-clerical and liberal

Catholic laity, but also prominent sections of the hierarchy — from the Archbishop of

Vienna on down to the parish assistant priests — that seemed displeased with the

results of the Council.421

418
32 Austro-Hungarian bishops voted either Non Placet (a straight-forward rejection) or a Placet
iuxta modum (yes, but only with significant revision). The initial number of bishops who caucused with
the minority was even higher. Only nine bishops from the Habsburg Monarchy came to the council
expressly supporting the majority. In Hungary, opposition was even more pronounced. All Hungarian
bishops except for one left the Council before the final vote and, on 23 July 1870, the Hungarian
government – through the monarch – made use of its placetum regium to forbid promulgation of the
dogma in the Hungarian half of the monarchy. Schatz, Vaticanum I. 1869-1870, vol. II, pp. 41-43, 377-
379.
419
Acceptance of the dogma in a diocese depended on its being officially made known — either
published in the local diocese paper or sent as a directive to be read from the pulpit to each priest.
Leisching, "Römisch-Katholische Kirche," p. 53. Strossmayer’s hesitation also led to the publication of
anti-infallibility pamphlets written using his name as a pseudonym. Archiv für Katholisches
Kirchenrecht 27 (1872), p. xxxv. On Strossmeyer, see, Ante Kadic, "Bishop Strossmayer and the First
Vatican Council," Slavonic and East European Review 49 (1971).
420
Chadwick, History of the Popes, p. 221.
421
After meeting with Cardinal Rauscher upon his return from Rome, Francis Joseph remarked,
“Wenn man die Erbitterung und Trostlosigkeit sieht, mit welcher unsere Bischöfe von Rom
zurückgekommen sind, ohne jede Hoffnung, ohne jede Illusion, wie der Nimbus, der bis jetzt Rom
umgab, für sie geschwunden ist, so möchte man an der Zukunft der Kirche verzweifeln.” Francis Joseph
to Archduchess Sophie, 25 August 1870. Cited in, Weinzierl-Fischer, Konkordate, p. 117.
 202

Rudigier and the Vatican Council

Returning to Upper Austria in late July 1870, however, Rudigier seemed to

have no such qualms of conscience. The tenacity with which he accepted and then

articulated an extreme version of the message of the Vatican Council may well have

surprised even some of his most ardent supporters. Even before the advent of the

Council, the form in which Rudigier announced the coming event set him apart.

Addressing his clergy in December 1869 as the Council began, he wrote:

O was ist es um das Papstthum, und was ist es um einen Papst,

der seine Stellung so im lebendigen Glauben erfasst, wie Pius IX!
Wird uns nicht beinahe schwindlig, wenn wir zur Höhe seiner
Stellung in der menschlichen Gesellschaft empor bilden?422

As the Vatican Council began, however, Rudigier toned down his public remarks. His

recent conviction in the courts, as well as the fact that his voice was in the minority

even among his fellow bishops in the Habsburg Monarchy certainly contributed to this

subdued mood.423 Furthermore, Rudigier missed the Council’s first months because he

422
“Berufung des allgemeinen Concils,” Linzer Diözesanblatt 35 (31 December 1868). Reprinted
in Doppelbauer, ed., Kirchenpolitische Actenstücke, pp. 35-37.
423
Instructions he issued to his clergy shortly before the Council commenced in 1869 hint at this
more subdued mood: “Was namentlich die Unfehlbarkeit des Papstes…anbelangt, so sei es unser
Vorsatz, einen solchen Ausspruch stets anzunehmen und zu befolgen; wenn aber jemand einen solchen
Ausspruch nicht für unfehlbar hält, so werden wir ihn, wie die Sachlage gegenwärtig ist, nicht der
Häresie beschuldigen, und die Entscheidung, ob das Concil sich über diese Frage überhaupt
aussprechen soll, ob nicht, wollen wir vertrauensvoll dem Concil selbst überlassen.” From, “Weisung
betreffs des Hirtenbriefes über das allgemeine Concil,” Linzer Diözesanblatt 23 (1869), 177-8.
Reprinted in Doppelbauer, ed., Kirchenpolitische Actenstücke, pp. 43-47.
 203

remained in Vienna, embroiled in a dispute over state funding of the Church and did

not leave for Rome until late April.424

Upon his return to Upper Austria in late July 1870, Rudigier seemed to possess a

new energy and conviction. He included Pastor Aeternus, the “dogmatic constitution”

agreed upon at the Council, in the 31 July 1870 Diözesanblatt — months before

Rauscher included it in the Vienna Diözesanblatt and years before Strossmayer did the

same in Djakovo.425 Furthermore, Rudigier spoke of the Council and its decrees in

almost every sermon and speech he gave for the rest of the year.426 He also saw to it

that one of his earliest speeches, held in early August at a meeting of the Upper

Austrian Catholic associations in Steyr, was reprinted in the Linzer Volksblatt and later

appeared in whole as a pamphlet.427

The Steyr speech is an important, perhaps the central document to understanding

both the power of Rudigier’s words and the authority in which he conveyed his

424
On Rudigier’s travel plans and the proposed changes in funding the diocese, see, Meindl, Leben
und Wirken, vol. II, pp. 71, 209-234.
425
The speed in which bishops publish papal pronouncements is often seen as analogous to the
degree with which they sympathize with a given papal decision. As the Archbishop of Ems, Ludwig
Hanyld, an opponent of infallibility, complained privately to a friend soon after returning to his diocese:
“der niedere Klerus drängt und übrigens ist die Lehre in einem Theil der Diöcese gelehrt worden.”
Nevertheless, he vowed “1. nie [den Dogma] feierlich Publizieren und 2.Niemand wegen gegentheiliger
Ansicht verfolgen noch im Beichtstuhl zu Rede stellen.” These small variations in how papal decrees
were published locally mattered a great deal. Chadwick, History of the Popes, pp. 221-222; Schatz,
Vaticanum I. 1869-1870, p. 265.
426
“Warum bisher kein Hirtenbrief über die Infallibilität des Papstes erschienen ist,” Linzer
Diözesanblatt 15, no. 27 (1870). Reprinted in Doppelbauer, ed., Kirchenpolitische Actenstücke, p. 47.
427
The actual is probably 3 August 1870. Meindl gives it as 4 August 1870 but has probably
reproduced the date of the newspaper rather than that of the event; Doppelbauer has it as both 19
August (table of contents) and 9 August (p. 497). Doppelbauer, ed., Kirchenpolitische Actenstücke;
Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. II, p. 76.. Rudigier notes it as 3 August in two places, Doppelbauer, ed.,
Kirchenpolitische Actenstücke, p. 47; Franz Josef Rudigier, Über die Unfehlbarkeit des Papstes und die
Liberalen, (Linz, 1870).
 204

message. Rudigier began his speech in a reassuring tone, explaining that Pastor

Aeternus did not change the Church, nor did it seek for Catholics to be disobedient to

the state.

Wer ist jener, der am meisten kämpft gegen die Revolution und
der eben deswegen den Gläubigen die Pflicht, die Staatsgesetze
zu beobachten, am meisten an’s Herz legt, wenn nicht der hl.
Vater?

As he continued, however, his tone began to change.

Ich sage, die rechtmäßigen Gesetze. Wenn etwa in einem Staate

Normen vorgeschrieben werden unter dem Namen von Gesetzen,
welche wider die höheren Normen, wider das Gesetz Gottes sind,
so ist der hl. Vater berechtigt, solche Normen als für das
Gewissen nicht verbindend zu erklären und den Gläubigen zu
sagen: „Ihr seid nicht nur nicht schuldig, diese vermeintlichen
Gesetze zu beobachten, sondern es wäre wider das höchste
Gesetz, wenn ihr diese Normen beobachtet würdet.“

In essence, Rudigier argued that obedience to the state hinged on whether the laws of

that state were obedient to those of the Church. Here, in words much more explicit

than in his pastoral letter from 1868, Rudigier called for a Christian civil disobedience

in the face of liberal anti-clerical legislation:

Als die ersten Christen geheißen wurden, den Götzen zu opfern,

haben sie auch gesagt: Da gehorchen wir nicht. Sie waren die
treuesten Befolger der Staatsgesetze, aber sie konnten Gesetze
nicht beobachten, welche gegen die Gesetze Gottes waren,
weshalb die Apostel schon gesprochen haben: „Man muss Gott
 205

mehr gehorchen, als den Menschen“ … Also, wenn der Papst

dergleichen Gesetze, die einer höheren Ordnung widerstreben,
dem höchsten Gesetze der menschlichen Handelns widerstreben,
als ungiltig erklärt, so hebt er sie nicht auf, sondern er bezeichnet
nur diese Gesetze, die ohnehin ungiltig waren, als das, was sie
sind.428

Rudigier here gave real life to the liberal fear of an Ultramontane Catholicism after

infallibility: if the pope, the bishops, the clergy, or even the honorable Catholic citizen

considered a state law as unconscionable, he or she should ignore it; the state needed

to be reminded of the error of its ways. The pamphlet was confiscated by the

government before its second printing but, in contrast to the court case in 1869, the

proceedings were hampered from the start and Rudigier easily won on appeal at the

Oberlandesgericht in Vienna. The pamphlet was reissued; the proceedings only

serving to increase its popularity.429

The Old Catholic Community in Ried

Even with such a menacing figure as Bishop Rudigier to prompt dissatisfied

Catholics into joining the movement, dissident Catholics at first had a great deal of

difficulty in forming an organized movement. Hopes had been high in 1870 that the

government would privilege Old Catholic claims after annulling the Concordat so

428
Rudigier, Unfehlbarkeit. Also reprinted in Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. II, pp. 77-89.
429
Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. II, pp. 76-92.
 206

soon after the final vote in Rome.430 Instead, after that initial call to arms – the

annulment, which even some liberal commentators at the time found to be on shaky

legal ground – the government suddenly lost its sure footing and began to retreat. By

May 1871, Josef Jurecek, Stremayr’s successor as Minister for Religion and Education

in the more conservative Hohenwart government, declared the whole matter “eine

innere Angelegenheit der Kirche,” certainly a piece of wishful thinking.431 The

everyday practical legal conundrum presented by entering births, baptisms, weddings

and funerals of Catholics who had, in the eyes of the state, not officially left the

Catholic Church but were treated as excommunicated by its clergy, would ultimately

force the government into action, but not for another few years. For now, however, it

chose to sidestep the problem.

Without government support, the dissident Catholics lacked the tangible assets

needed to form a religious organization: priests and churches. One of the first

objectives of the liberal press campaign was to claim co-use of Catholic Churches,

requesting financial support from the regional religious funds, and to demand a

regional synod in which Catholic citizens could confront their parish priest,

encouraging him to join the movement.432 In most towns, however, such

proclamations met with little success. The churches were in the hands of the Roman

Catholic Church and the local authorities were unwilling to help dissident Catholics in

430
The Reichsrat first met on the day of the final vote, 18 July 1870, to discuss the problem. A
decision to annul the Concordat was made 30 July and the Vatican was informed the same day.
Leisching, "Römisch-Katholische Kirche," p. 55; Weinzierl-Fischer, Konkordate, pp. 115-116.
431
Jurecek made the comment in a meeting from 1 May 1871. Tages-Post, 4 May 1871.
432
See, for example, the article in the Tages-Post, 30 April 1871, p. 1.
 207

securing co-ownership or even the right to hold services. And although dissatisfied

members of the lower clergy were easy enough to find, convincing a priest to forsake

his badly paid but tenured position within the confines of the Catholic hierarchy was

no easy task.

Where the Old Catholic Church did find a home was in Ried, a town of about

4,500 people due west of Linz and close to the Bavarian border. Ried was an

important administrative town: it served as the capital of the Innviertel, one of the four

districts that made up Upper Austria. It was not a particularly industrial town — there

were no factories of note — and, other than government officials, it was mostly

populated by a mix of merchants and artisans.433 Though adherents to the Old Catholic

movement existed in some numbers in other Upper Austrian cities (Linz and Steyr, for

example), these became no more than satellite congregations of Ried, where one of

only three Austrian Old Catholic communities found a permanent home.434

In October of 1870, the liberal club in Ried met, like many others, to discuss

the infallibility question and quickly passed a resolution stating it was a “Fälschung

der christkatholischen Glaubenslehre.“ The resolution continued that it was,

eine wichtige Aufgabe des Staates und als eine dringende

Forderung der Civisilation, die Jesuiten auszuweisen und der
Verwirklichung der so gefährlichen Consequenzen jenes Dogma’s
und den damit im Zusammenstehenden Umtreiben der
Geistlichkeit durch Einführung geeigneter Gesetze und deren

433
On Ried, see, Franz Berger, Ried im Innkreis. Geschichte des Marktes und der Stadt, (Ried,
1948).
434
The other two were in Vienna and in northern Bohemian Warnsdorf.
 208

strenge Handhabung einen Damm zu setzen.“435

In itself this was nothing extraordinary — the tone and the wording was similar to a

plethora of petitions elsewhere in the region. And yet, already in the fall of 1870

around 385 people — eight percent of the population — had signed a petition

declaring their allegiance to the Old Catholic Church.436 More remarkably, they held

together: by 1876, there were 420 Old Catholics, almost ten percent of the

population.437

Why Ried? A number of factors combined to give the Old Catholic movement

more propitious conditions for survival there. The most important factor was

municipal support: one of the signers of the initial petition was Josef Gyri, apothecary

and mayor of Ried.438 From the beginning, his support meant that the Old Catholic

question would not remain “eine innere Angelegenheit der Kirche.” On 22 April 1871,

just days after the liberal club in Ried met to decide on a long letter of support to

Döllinger, the Gemeindeausschuss in Ried met as well and decided on two

proclamations: the first was a municipal declaration of support for Döllinger, in itself

nothing unusual. Many if not most towns with a liberal mayor or Gemeindevorstand

made some sort of public declaration of support. The second item was an official

petition to the Ministry for Education and Religion. In it, the Gemeindeausschuss

435
Rieder Wochenblatt, 31 October 1870. Reprinted in Franz Zierler, "Ried im Innkreis und der
Altkatholizismus" (Theologische Diplomarbeit, Theologische Hochschule Linz, 1972), pp. 20-21.
436
“Verzeichnis derjenigen, welche im Jahre 1870 ihren Beitritt zur altkatholischen
Kirchengemeinde erklärt haben.” Cited in, Zierler, "Ried im Innkreis,” Appendix 4.
437
SPA Ried (Sebastian Freund) to BC Linz, 30 June 1876. DAL CA/5, Fasz. 1/11, Sch. 4.
438
Gyri was a popular mayor. He Served from 1870 to 1883. He son became mayor, too, serving
from 1883 until 1898. Berger, Ried im Innkreis, p. 148.
 209

complained that the “Verhältnis zwischen Kirche und Staat so schwach geregelt und

das Volk seit langem der römischen Agitation völlig preisgegeben ist.“ The Catholic

Church, the letter continued, always got the upper hand in the conflict between church

and state, and the government was being blind if it thought that Pastor Aeternus would

have no visible effect on church-state relations. The Roman Catholic Church will

continue in its assault “bis auf den Trümmern der liberalen Schöpfung unserer Zeit ihr

System seine mittelalterliche Vollendung erreicht haben wird.“ The committee went

on to request that five items be brought in front of the Reichsrat:

wodurch die noch bestehenden Bestimmungen des Konkordates

vom 18 August 1855 aufgehoben werden;
1. wodurch das Verhältnis zwischen Staat und Kirche den
modernen Anschauungen der Zeit und den Grundrechten
gemäß geregelt wird;
2. wodurch das Verbot statuiert wird, die staatsgefährliche
Lehre von der Unfehlbarkeit der Päpste, die Bulle Pastor
Aeternus vom 18. Juli 1870, im Staate irgendwo, sei es in
den Kirchen, Schulen und in den sonstigen Unterrichts-
und Erziehungsanstalten zu lehren;
3. wodurch der Jesuiten-Orden, dessen Richtung anerkannt
staatsgefährlich ist, und alle jene Orden, welche die
gleiche Richtung verfolgen, abgeschafft werden;439
4. wodurch unter Androhung geeigneter Strafen dem Klerus
verboten ist, ihren Beruf oder die Religion zur politischen

439
As in many parts of Europe, the Jesuit order remained a synonym for an Ultramontane
conspiracy. In 1848 they had been expelled from Linz unable to return until 1853.
 210

Agitation zu missbrauchen.440

While many communities issued letters of support, no others, at least in Upper

Austria, actually made specific demands of the government.

Just as critical was the mayor’s support in providing the Old Catholics a place

of worship. Initially, the Old Catholic community tried to claim co-use of the

Stadtpfarrkirche on Sundays from ten to twelve in the morning and three to five in the

afternoon. But, unsurprisingly, the local priest, Sebastian Freund, and Bishop

Rudigier, declined. They argued that any priest who joined the Old Catholic

community was no longer a Roman Catholic priest and thus had no right to say mass

in a consecrated Roman Catholic Church. To counter Rudigier and Freund, the Old

Catholic community then sent a delegation to Vienna to petition the Minister of the

Interior, Josef von Lasser, and even managed an audience with Francis Joseph, all to

no avail.441 Although such tactics had succeeded in procuring co-use of the local

Catholic Church in neighboring Germany, even in towns just across the border in

Catholic Bavaria, they fell on deaf ears in Austria.442

As an alternative, the Old Catholics then petitioned the city in January 1872 —

most likely at Gyri’s suggestion — for use of the town theater. The choice was rather

440
Open letter printed in the Rieder Wochenblatt, 9 May 1871. Reprinted in Zierler, "Ried im
Innkreis,” pp. 26-30.
441
Freund to Rudigier, 10 December 1870. DAL CA/4, Sch. 64, Fasz. 32/5. Also see, Slapnicka,
Oberösterreich unter Kaiser Franz Joseph, p. 285.
442
In Bavarian Simbach, just across the border from the Upper Austrian town of Braunau, Old
Catholics had successfully managed to secure co-use of the Stadtpfarrkirche there. Tages-Post, 3 March
1872. In the Prussian Rhineland, this tactic, though successful in several towns, also backfired. Instead
of sharing the churches, the Catholic Church pronounced them desecrated and stopped holding services.
Moreover, in several towns riots broke out in which Roman Catholic supporters looted the “desecrated”
churches. Sperber, Popular Catholicism, p. 235.
 211

fitting: the theater had originally been the Heilig-Geist-Kirche or Spitalkirche, built in

1482 — “im rein gothischen Style,” as the Tages-Post proudly noted443 — as part of a

hospital. Under Joseph II, both church and hospital were secularized and disbanded,

and, during the French occupation in 1810, the church had become a theater.444 On 1

February 1872 the Gemeindeausschuss decided to grant the Old Catholics use of the

church and to even subsidize their remodeling efforts with 400 Fl. from the municipal

coffers. This last expenditure, however, was contested by conservative Catholics, who

argued that the subsidy constituted a misuse of local funds – the 1867 Basic Law’s

clause against the privileging of certain confessions prohibited such efforts by the state

a good legal footing for their argument – and the Statthalterei agreed; the 400 Fl. had

to be returned.445

A final factor that undoubtedly contributed the consolidation of the Old Catholic

community in Ried can be found in the antagonistic stance of the local priests: the

regular Pfarrer, Sebastian Freund446 and his Kooperator, Johann Stritzinger.447 For

443
Tages-Post, 22 February 1872.
444
Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. II, p. 108; Slapnicka, Oberösterreich unter Kaiser Franz
Joseph, pp. 285-286.
445
Gerhard Markus Pumberger, "Dr. Joseph Brader (1843-1877). Erster altkatholischer Pfarrer von
Ried im Innkreis. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Altkatholizismus in Oberösterreich" (Theologische
Diplomarbeit, Theologische Hochschule Linz, 1989), p. 44.
446
Freund (1807-1879) had a slightly unusual career. Ordained in 1830, he served in two postings
as Kooperator before becoming director of the Mitterberg correctional facility for priests in 1844. He
stayed on as director until 1854, when he became a regular priest in Ried. There he stayed until his
death in 1879. Dannerbauer, General-Schematismus, p. 195; , "Verzeichnis der Direktoren, Spirituale,
Provisoren, Korrigende- u. Kommeranten-Priester im Priesterhause zu Mitterberg seit dem Jahre 1839,"
(Linz, 1839-1939), p. 3.
447
Stritzinger (1841-1912) was ordained 1865 and thus spent his formative years as a seminarian
and Kooperator in the heightened political climate of the late 1860s. Otherwise, his career seems fairly
regular: he served as Kooperator in several cities before become a Pfarrvikar in 1877 and, finally, a
regular Pfarrer in 1890.
 212

better or for worse, both mirrored Rudigier’s tenacity and rigidity as they implemented

infallibility in their parish. Especially important was an incident early on between

Freund and a well-known liberal merchant, Engelbert Wetzelsberger, which strongly

polarized local opinion. In the summer of 1871, Wetzelsberger lay dying and asked

Freund to come administer the last sacraments. Freund refused, citing Wetzelsberger’s

signature on the Old Catholic petition.448 As Freund then wrote to Wetzelsberger’s

mother:

von dieser Stunde gehört er nicht mehr zu den Unsern … und

wenn der Widerruf dieser Unterschrift von seiner Seite nicht
erfolgt, die heiligen Sterbesakramente ihm verweigert werden und
er im Falle des Todes ohne Glockengeläute und ohne Begleitung
eines Priesters bestattet würde. 449

Liberals were outraged. Wetzelsberger had not, after all, officially left the Catholic

Church, and the Old Catholic Church, as the liberals would argue, did not yet exist.

Wetzelsberger had merely signed a petition; his legally recognized confession had no

grounds on which to withhold last rites from him.

The Gemeindeausschuss, most of whom had also signed the same petition, met

on 29 September 1871 to discuss the matter, concluding that Freund’s behavior was

“unduldsam und der christlichen Lehre keineswegs entsprechend.” They then

petitioned the Bischöfliches Consistorium in Linz to settle the matter, which it did by

448
By petition, Freund meant the declaration from 1870. See above, p. 208.
449
From a letter from Freund to Wetzelsberger’s mother-in-law, which is cited in an open letter to
Freund printed in the liberal Rieder Wochenblatt, 3 October 1871. Cited in Zierler, "Ried im Innkreis,”
pp. 32-33.
 213

releasing detailed instructions on how Catholics should behave after the Vatican

Council and under what conditions they could consider themselves Catholics.450

Liberals were incensed, again. Within in a month, a new Actionscomité was formed,

sponsored, again, by the mayor’s office, and on 8 November the committee issued its

first proclamation, which began:

die bekannte harte Drohung, welche die hiesige Priesterschaft

einem Bürger von Ried, da er auf dem Krankenbette lag, gemacht
hat, soll nun an uns Allen, welche die Lehre von der
Unfehlbarkeit des Papstes nicht glauben, wirklich in Erfüllung
gehen. Der Klerus sagt: Wir sind im Banne … Wir protestieren
gegen das Vorgehen der hiesigen Priesterschaft, nennen selbes
mit Recht eine Anmassung und unberechtigte
Gewaltanwendung.451

Wetzelsberger recovered from his illness but did not attempt to mend his ties with the

Roman Catholic Church. While the fact that Wetzelsberger had asked for Freund to

come attend to him on his deathbed showed that there was still a distant hope of

reconciliation, after the incident this evaporated. What little credibility the Roman

Catholic Church still had among dissident Catholics was now gone for good.

Wetzelsberger also joined the Actionscomité and then became the first Chairman of

the lay Kirchenvorstand after the Old Catholic Church was legally recognized in 1877,

a post he held until 1884.

450
Zierler, "Ried im Innkreis,” pp. 31-32.
451
Aufruf an die Katholiken von Ried und Umgebung reprinted in Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol.
II, pp. 105-107; Zierler, "Ried im Innkreis,” pp. 38-43.
 214

Priests and the Old Catholic Church

The Wetzelsberger incident brings to light the question of how priests

confronted the issue of infallibility with their parishioners on a daily basis. Was

Freund an anomaly among the Upper Austrian clergy? Freund gave the following

answer when asked why he had treated Wetzelsberger the way he did: it was discussed

at a Pastoralkonferenz.452 Indeed, the Pastoralkonferenz in the fall of 1870 had

covered two issues: infallibility and the Italian march on Rome. The first question was

framed:

Ist das Dogma der päpstlichen Infallibilität von dem Seelsorger in

den öffentlichen Vorträgen zu besprechen, und wie? Bietet die
Definierung dieses Dogmas der österreichischen Staatsgewalt
einen gerechten Anlass dar, zur einseitigen Aufhebung des
Concordates, und was ist über die diesfälligen Gründe zu halten,
mit denen solche gerechtfertigt wird?453

One especially good response made it into the Theologisch-Praktische Quartalschrift.

In contrast to liberals and Old Catholics, the author argued that the Vatican Council

was thoroughly ecumenical and democratic:

von der rechtmäßigen Gewalt einberufen, die Bischöfe kamen aus

der ganzen Welt zu demselben zusammen, die Legaten des
Papstes führten in demselben den Vorsitz, fast einstimmig (zwei
Stimmen ausgenommen) haben mehr als 530 in der Versammlung

452
On the structure, format and staging of a Pastoralkonferenz, see Chapter Two.
453
An overview of topics for the first twenty years can be found in Franz Maria Doppelbauer,
"Pastoralkonferenzen," Linzer Diöcesanblatt 34 (1890).
 215

anwesende Bischöfe erklärt, dass dies zum katholischen Glauben

gehöre.454

Furthermore, he continued, in an increasingly global era, with ecumenical councils

few and far between, the Catholic Church had no moral and logistical center without

an infallible pope. Centralization – both of structures and of ideology – is an important

aspect of modern society and infallibility was the Roman Catholic Church’s means to

this end.

These thoroughly ‘modern’ aspects of the Vatican Council were not lost on

observers. As Owen Chadwick once remarked, “with modern steamships and railways,

the assemblies were possible without undue loss to the dioceses, for the first time in

papal history.”455 But modern logistics was not the only thing on display. As Bishop

Rudigier stated in the already mentioned speech in Steyr held upon his return from

Rome,

Durch diesen Satz, der Papst sei unfehlbar in Glaubens- und

Sittensachen, ist eigentlich der christkatholischen Theologie die
Krone aufgesetzt worden. Wir haben jetzt erst ein vollendetes,
wissenschaftliches System.456

Yet here was the conception of a “vollendetes, wissenschaftliches System” at the very

moment that the nation as a sovereign concept of territory was laying its finishing

touches on the European order. Within a year of the final vote on infallibility, not only

454
"Miscellanea," Theologisch-Praktische Quartalschrift 24 (1871): pp. 389-392.
455
Chadwick, History of the Popes, p. 181.
456
Rudigier, Unfehlbarkeit. Also reprinted in Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. II, pp. 77-89.
 216

had the German Reich unified, but the Italian ‘March on Rome’ had removed the last

vestiges of real papal temporal authority as well. The French troops guarding the papal

state had already been sent home to help in the war against Prussia and the remaining

papal troops offered little resistance to the advancing Italians. The pope, unwilling to

communicate with the Italian state, went into a self-imposed exile in the Vatican.

Here, for conservative Catholics throughout Europe, was ‘proof’ that liberals were

bent on destroying whatever remained of the Catholic Church.457 Priests in Upper

Austria were no different: by 1871, the loss of Rome — the second item discussed at

the Pastoralkonferenz — was a topic that inspired even greater political fervor than

infallibility, though this was also because a priest could speak about Italian politics

without the threat of incarceration.

In the spring of 1871, as the Old Catholic movement began gaining momentum

within the diocese, the Old Catholic question was again tackled at a

Pastoralkonferenz, but this time in a more pragmatic fashion:

’Sempronius’ ist Mitglied eines liberalen Vereins und hat eine

Zustimmungsadresse an Döllinger unterzeichnet. Wie ist derselbe
von dem Seelsorger im Beichtstuhle, und wie auf dem Todbette zu
behandeln?

Both Bishop Rudigier and the priest in Ried, Freund, took the more extreme position

on this by considering Sempronius a de facto non-Catholic. This was, however, not the

457
A good recent account of the March on Rome can be found in, Gustav Seibt, Rom oder Tod:
der Kampf um die italienische Hauptstadt, (Berlin, 2001). See also, Clark, "New Catholicism," pp. 20-
23.
 217

only view, even within the diocese. In the Pastoralkonferenz held in Linz that year, the

only one for which records survive, the participants took a much more moderate line.

On 25 July 1871, Josef Reiter,458 one of the professors at the seminary, presented a

different approach, encouraging a much more pragmatic response to either

membership in a liberal association or the signing of a support letter for Döllinger.

Addressing the question of how priests should confront liberal parishioners in the

confessional, Reiter argued that unless it was an extreme case, the priest should

institute a “don’t ask, don’t tell” policy. “Er ist ohne Veranlassung, oder auf bloße

Vermuthung oder Gerede hin nicht direkt zu fragen.“459 If, however, the parishioner

did confess to doubting infallibility, he was to be treated as a heretic and convinced of

his wrong ways. Some of the priests attending the conference argued that even this

interpretation was “etwas zu streng.”460 This view was fundamentally different from

Rudigier’s in two ways: first, because it was non-confrontational, and, second, because

it did not treat adherents and sympathizers of the Old Catholic movement as

immediately having left the Church. Rather, they were to be seen as Catholics who

doubted one aspect of the official ideology and needed correction, not heretics lost to

the Church. In Linz, however, the Pastoralkonferenzen had a strong tie to the

seminary and thus tended to be dominated by professors. Thus to what extent such

458
On Josef Reiter, see, Pangerl, "Reiter," pp. 144-190.
459
Reiter, "Eine zeitgemäße Pastoral-Conferenz-Arbeit," p. 481.
Protokoll über die 1te Pastoral-Konferenz pro 1871 des Nicht-Kurat-Klerus der Stadt Linz am
460

25. Juli im bischöfl. Alumnat. DAL SEM A/1, Sch. 15, Fasz. VII.
 218

views were widespread in the diocese is impossible to tell, though the Dekanat in Ried

certainly did not subscribe to them.

Another place priests turned to for advice was the Theologisch-Praktische

Quartalschrift, which began openly attacking the anti-infallibility campaign soon after

July 1870. Being a journal written by and for the clergy, the articles especially sought

to single out what many in the hierarchy saw as the most dangerous aspect of the Old

Catholic movement: lay participation in Church affairs. In 1871, for example, it

published an attack on Döllinger’s call for lay-wissenschaftlich participation in the

Council:

Die Kirche verkündigt durch den Mund ihrer Vorsteher die von
den Aposteln überlieferte Lehre … Sie verkündigt aber den
apostolischen Glauben, dessen ursprüngliche Fassung sie als
ihren Glaubensschild vor sich herträgt, nicht durch bloße
Wiederholungen dessen, was die Apostel gesprochen oder
geschrieben … sondern … geht sie auf die Bedürfnisse der
jeweiligen Gegenwart … ein und stellt die Wahrheit in
Angemessenheit zu derselben dar.461

The development of the liberal and secular state thus required the reorientation of the

Catholic Church, the strengthening of its helm. Lay participation might have been a

past ingredient in Church affairs, but in the antagonistic climate of the current era, the

Church could not afford such luxuries. Furthermore, the same author argued a few

461
This is mostly a quote from, Johannes Kuhn Einleitung in die katholische Dogmatik. 2nd. ed.
(Tübingen, 1859), p. 151. The article itself is, Josef Sprinzl, "Döllinger's Erklärung gegen die
vaticanische Constitution vom 18. Juli 1870," Theologisch-Praktische Quartalschrift 24 (1871): p. 142.
 219

issues later, since the vast majority of Catholic believed in the infallibility of the pope,

“hat also das Vaticanum nur aus einem … dogma implicitum … ein … dogma

explicitum geschaffen.“462

In another article, Josef Sprinzl, a professor of theology at the seminary in Linz

and frequent author in the journal, attacked each element of the Old Catholic

movement that seemed in error: it was an attempt “dem modernen Staate zur

Herrschaft über die Kirche Gottes zu verhelfen… eine totale Auslieferung … an die

Volkssouveränität.“ Furthermore, in an implicit reference to the ideas of Möhler,

Sprinzl argued that the attempt to foster lay participation was,

auf das sogenannte Gemeindeprincip basiert…, so dass also die

kirchliche Autorität in der Gemeinde liege und sich die Kirche
von unten nach oben ausbaue, während nach katholischen
Grundsätzen gerade umgekehrt die kirchliche Autorität eine von
Gott bestellte und gegeben ist und dieselbe in ihrer Amtsthätigkeit
die kirchliche Gemeinde gründet und bildet.

The Old Catholics were thus liberals, democrats and crypto-Protestants, bent on

creating the “große liberale Staatskirche, deren Gott der liberale Staat, deren

Bekenntnis das liberale Staatsgesetz, deren Tempel die confessionslose Schule sein

sollte.“463

In Upper Austria, it was Bishop Rudigier’s brand of Ultramontanism that priests

invariably had to defend in their sermons on Sunday morning, since it so often

462
Josef Sprinzl, "Die "Altkatholische" Bewegung. Eine dogmatische Studie," Theologisch-
Praktische Quartalschrift 25 (1872): p. 4.
463
Sprinzl, "Die "Altkatholische" Bewegung. Eine dogmatische Studie," pp. 24-25, 27, 29.
 220

dominated the press during the week. Such recurring rituals increasingly politicized

communities between liberals and Catholic-conservatives. Priests, especially if they

were of a different political persuasion than their bishop, quickly began to feel

alienated from both communities: reprimanded by the Bischöfliches Ordinariat for

sympathizing with town burghers yet, as a priest, still the object of liberal scorn.

Knowing that many priests were at odds with their diocese, the Old Catholic

movement made a reform of the lower clergy a focal point of their platform. Already

in August 1870, only weeks after the final vote in Rome, the liberal club in Linz

issued a statement directed specifically at this group:

Der despotische Druck des Bischofs Rudigier auf seinen

Diözesanklerus ist die Hauptursache der aufreizenden
Agitationen des Klerus in unserem Lande und die Irreführung der
Bevölkerung, insbesondere des oberösterreichischen Landvolkes.

Die Entfernung des Bischofs Rudigier von seinem Bischofssitze

und eine freie materiell gesicherte Existenz des niederen Clerus
ist als Hauptbedingung einer ersprießlichen Wirksamkeit des
Clerus mit allen gesetzlichen Schritten anzustreben.464

When the first congress of dissident ‘Old’ Catholics met in Munich in the fall of 1871,

the participants also passed resolutions emphasizing that the lower clergy need to be

protected “gegen jegliche hierarchische Willkür,“ and that priests’ education in the

seminary should expose them to the outside world rather than shelter them from it. The

464
Linzer Tages-Post, 5 August 1870, p. 1.
 221

end result, so organizers hoped, would be a “sittlich frommen, wissenschaftlich

erleuchteten und patriotisch gesinnten Klerus.“465

Though actual turncoats were few and far between, the diocese treated the

slightest sign of rebellion very seriously and there is some evidence to suggest that a

fair number were at least initially sympathetic to the idea.466 Any rumor that a priest

had applied for a post in an Old Catholic community was immediately investigated,

the priest confronted and cajoled back into line with a mixture of sympathy and terror.

The emerging community in Ried only found a priest with great difficulty, especially

after their first priest, Josef Brader, died in 1875: two of the four applicants applied

anonymously, writing that they would only accept the position if their income was

shown to be secure.467 Indeed, even with the above elements in place, many

communities never got off the ground for failure to find a priest.468

Only three Upper Austrian priests left their posts in the 1870s to head Old

Catholic communities. Though three may not sound like a large number, it is more

465
Programm des Katholikenkongresses. Held 22-24 September 1871 in Munich with about 300
delegates attending. Reprinted in Küry, Die Altkatholische Kirche. Ihre Geschichte, ihre Lehre, ihr
Anliegen, pp. 450-452.
466
See Rudigier’s response to what was probably a staged letter on the part of Franz Leithgeb, a
Catholic priest from neighboring St. Pölten, who requested a posting in Ried. In the letter, Leithgeb
argued that he was above all qualified by never having said or written anything that could be interpreted
as friendly toward Old Catholics. Rudigier’s reply is very cordial and encouraging, requesting that he
ask his bishop right away for permission to work in the Upper Austria. Leithgeb, however, went on to
succeed Brader as the Old Catholic priest in Ried a few months later. His request was thus probably an
attempt to get the diocese to pay for his travel expenses. Franz Leithgeb to Rudigier, 11 July 1875. DAL
CA/4, Sch. 64, Fasz. 32/5.
467
Freund to Rudigier. 22 March 1875. See also, Freund to Rudigier, 11 February 1875. DAL
CA/4, Sch. 64, Fasz. 32/5.
468
Angela Berlis, "Gesucht: Alt-Katholischer Pfarrer. Die mühsame Suche nach einem eigenen
Pfarrer für die Freiburger Gemeinde in den Jahren 1873 bis 1875," in 125 Jahre altkatholische
Gemeinde Freiburg. Eine Gemeinde auf ihrem Weg, ed. Ruth Dombrowski, et al., (Freiburg, 1998).
 222

than in any other diocese in the Monarchy.469 The first was Alois Anton, who began

his protest against infallibility even before advent of the Council470 and left his posting

as Kooperator in Sarmingstein to help found the Old Catholic community in Vienna;

then there is the already mentioned Brader, who became the first Old Catholic priest in

Ried; and finally Franz Leithgeb, who took Brader’s place in 1875. All three had

similar careers and similar gripes about their profession: a critical disposition that

began to manifest itself early in their careers, a string of unfriendly superiors while

still assistant priests (Kooperator), arbitrary assignments scattered throughout the

diocese, and a diocese administration indifferent to their complaints.

In examining the careers of Brader, Leithgeb and Anton, the first thing one

notices is an inordinate amount of travel: Brader, ordained in 1867, was transferred to

six different positions as a Kooperator in four years before he joined the Old Catholics

in Ried. In all of them, he was unhappy and almost immediately began petitioning the

Bischöfliches Ordinariat for a transfer.471 Brader’s successor in Ried, Leithgeb, spent

the first eighteen years of his career at sixteen different stations as both a Kooperator

and Pfarrassistent — he was ordained in 1843 — before finally become a regular

469
In 1880, the whole of the Old Catholic Church in the Monarchy possessed only two priests.
Demmel, Geschichte des Alt-Katholizismus, p. 97.
470
On Anton, see especially the correspondence between one of his superiors, J. Weilguny, and
Rudigier, from 7 and 16 March 1870, BA (Rudigier Archiv), Sch. 5.
471
A Kooperator is the lowest rank among the lower clergy. It denotes a priest who has graduated
from the seminary but not yet taken the Pfarrkonkursprüfung necessary before becoming a regular
priest — though even then he could expect a series of Pfarrvikar and Pfarrprovisor appointments
before a regular position as a Pfarrer priest became available. Bowman, Priest and Parish, p. 126;
Pumberger, "Dr. Joseph Brader,” pp. 5-24.
 223

priest (though only provisorisch — the status never changed) in 1861.472 Finally,

Alois Anton also went through several stations and became increasingly frustrated

with each one; he was often reported as psychologically withdrawn and became ill for

months at a time.473 As we saw in Chapter Two, this is in marked contrast to the career

of those destined for a more regular position in the clergy.

Without a doubt all three were bright and promising at the beginning of their

careers. Anton published several popular books on aspects of Church history before

the Vatican council474 and Brader had been accepted into the Höheres

Priesterbildungsinstitut475 in Vienna, though — and this certainly did not endear

Rudigier to him — Rudigier sent another priest in Brader’s place at the last

moment.476 Nevertheless, Brader still went on to study in Salzburg — privatim, as the

records emphasize — and received a doctorate in theology in June 1871.

In the cases of Anton, Brader and Leithgeb, the grounds for the transfers are

easy enough to surmise: friction between the assistants (Kooperatoren) and regular

472
His career as a member of the regular clergy is just as colorful, with two court cases, a few
transfers and unexcused absences over longer periods of time. BO St. Pölten to BO Linz, 1 April 1875.
DAL, CA/5, Sch. 66, Fasz. 32/5
473
Signs of Anton’s condition are scattered through his correspondence and that of his superiors
with the Bischöfliches Consistorium. See, for example, Alois Anton to BC, 21 January 1856, DAL
CA/3 Fasz. 1/12, Sch. 39; Alois Anton to BC, 1 January 1861, CA/3 Fasz. 1/12, Sch. 41; Alois Anton to
BC, 1 January 1866, CA/3 Fasz. 1/12, Sch. 41; and, especially, the correspondence on Anton — a thick
packet — located in, BA Rudigier Archiv, Sch. 5.
474
See, for example: Alois Anton, Bilder aus der Geschichte der Inquisition, (Vienna, 1870);
Alois Anton, Bilder aus der katholischen Kirchengeschichte, von einem katholischen Gesitlichen,
(Vienna, 1869).
475
The so-called Frintanium, where Rudigier had also studied.
476
Each diocese had a quota at the Priesterbildungsinstitut, 2 priests per year in the case of Linz.
At the last moment, Rudigier was able to get another of his favorites admitted and thus bumped Brader
from the list. Pumberger, "Dr. Joseph Brader,” pp. 8-10.
 224

priests. By itself, this was hardly uncommon; such accounts are a fixture of almost

every chronicle, diary, or novel about priestly life in the nineteenth century.477

Kooperatoren were treated poorly, ignored, given unwelcome assignments,

malnourished, felt intellectually stifled, and suffered almost every other form of abuse

one could name. Both Brader and Anton, however, felt strong enough about the abuse

to write pamphlets on the subject.478 Leithgeb, though not inclined to write pamphlets,

was repeatedly reprimanded by the Bischöfliches Ordinariat because he “störte den

häuslichen Frieden durch unbefugtes einmischen in die Angelegenheiten des Hauses,

quälte die Domestiken, versuchte die Gemeinde gegen ihren Pfarrer aufzuregen.”479

All three thus not only suffered abuse from their superiors, but also felt strongly

enough about that abuse to protest openly.

The feeling of ‘slavery,’ as Anton’s pamphlet put it, experienced by the lower

clergy consisted of more than just mental indignation, it also consisted of a very real

poverty. The late 1860s and early 1870s were a time of real prosperity in Austria, as

477
The most vivid example for Upper Austria in this regard comes in the form of two scathing
Priesterromane – large, kitschy tomes about the “good” priest in a “bad” system – written by Hans
Kirchsteiger, another unhappy priest who left the priesthood and the region, settled in Salzburg, and
eventually became an Old Catholic priest in the late 1890s. Hans Kirchsteiger, Das Beichtsiegel,
(Vienna, 1905); Hans Kirchsteiger, Wie heißt das sechste Gebot, (Salzburg, 1915). Especially in the
Beichtsiegel, Doppelbauer’s regime is described with often brutal accuracy. The novel was also quite a
success, selling about 13,000 copies. Murray G. Hall, Österreichische Verlagsgeschichte 1918-1938,
(Vienna, 1987). On Kirchsteiger, see, Klieber, Katholizismus in der Provinz, pp. 34-38.
478
Alois Anton, Das Sklaventhum des niederen Klerus, (Linz, 1871); Josef Brader, Die Stellung
der katholischen Pfarrer und Capläne in Oberösterreich vom materiellen und socialen Standpunkte.
Populär besprochen von einem Weltpriester, (Linz, 1871).
479
BO St. Pölten to BO Linz, 1 April 1875. DAL, CA/5, Sch. 66, Fasz. 32/5. In contrast to Brader
and Anton, Leithgeb’s disciplinary problems were so extreme, he at one time landed in the priestly
correctional facility. In 1856 he spent over six months at the Priesterhaus Mitterberg. Verzeichnis der
Direktoren, Spirituale, Provisoren, Korrigende- u. Kommeranten-Priester im Priesterhause zu
Mitterberg seit dem Jahre 1839 (-1939); see entry 70. DAL CA/9 Sch. 5.
 225

the building of railroads and other industrial investments caused the stock market to

soar.480 The price of most goods rose at an exorbitant rate — between 1860 and 1873,

for example, the price of beef in Linz rose 50 percent and bread 78 percent481 — and it

was those on fixed incomes that suffered most. The pay scale for the regular clergy

(the Congrua) had remained fixed at between 315 and 420 Fl. a year since they were

originally set under Joseph II in the 1780s.482 Assistant priests (Kooperatoren) earned

even less, usually between 200 and 220 Fl. a year.483 While a Kooperator or Vikar

could earn additional income through baptisms, weddings and other ceremonies

requiring Stollgebühren, an 1871 government report on the matter concluded, that

these were “so gering, das die Summe derselben dem Pfarrer keine nennenswerte

Mehreinnahme verschafft.”484

Besides intellectually stimulating parishioners, the Old Catholic community in

Ried also offered a different pay scale. Instead of a base salary, which priests then

compensated with supplementary services, the Old Catholic community in Ried paid

an annual salary of 1,200 Fl., four times what a regular priest made in the Catholic

Church. The trade-off was that the priest had to rent his own apartment and provide

480
Sandgruber, Ökonomie und Politik, pp. 244-251.
481
Prices are for Linz. Österreichisches Statistisches Zentralamt, Geschichte und Ergebnisse, p.
135, 147; Sandgruber, Ökonomie und Politik, pp. 245-247.
482
A good discussion of the congrua can be found in, Boyer, "Priests in Lower Austria," p. 339.
483
See the Documents in, DAL, CA/3 Fasz. 1/12, Sch. 39.
484
The same government report, however, fell short of recommending an increase in the Congrua:
the government was, as always, short on funds, and any pay increase would only provide further
ammunition to liberals who wanted to eliminate the state’s obligation to pay priests altogether.
Nevertheless the fact that there was a report at all demonstrates the seriousness of the situation around
1870. SHL to the Ministry for Religion and Education, 23 March 1871. OöLA StPr Sch. 418.
 226

for his own housekeeper — Roman Catholic priests received both for free — and that

all services, from burials to baptisms, were to be offered without charge to the parish.

Little wonder, then, that the post raised eyebrows among intellectually stifled and

financially starved members of the lower clergy.485

Priests and their Parishioners

Examining the very public war over Catholic beliefs between 1870 and 1873 in

the press, it is easy to come to the conclusion that Old Catholics were the urban liberal

elite. Ignaz von Döllinger, the spiritual leader of the movement, was a renowned

professor of Church history. Josef Gyri, the head of the Old Catholic community in

Ried was the town’s mayor. In letter after letter to the regional press, Liberal Clubs —

those bastions of an educated and male urban middle class — took a pronounced

public stance for Döllinger and against infallibility. As the Rheinischer Merkur, later

the Deutscher Merkur and the main Old Catholic newspaper in Germany, wrote: the

movement represented “eine Reihe bedeutender katholischer Gelehrter und bewährter

Publizisten, Männer von Freimuth und gründlicher wissenschaftlicher Bildung.“486

Neither the Old Catholic communities nor, subsequently, historians, have done much

to dispel this image.487

485
One of the Reforms of May 1874 stipulated that a Catholic priest had to administer all rites
without compensation. Many if not most priests continued to ignore the law. Anton Pinzger, "Die
kathol. Pfarrgeistlichkeit hat die armen, auch wenn sie nicht in der betreffenden Pfarre Heimatberechtigt
sind, unenetgeltlich zu administriren," Theologisch-Praktische Quartalschrift 42 (1889).
486
From the Süddeutsche Presse’s description of the new magazine, 15 February 1870. Quoted in
Berlis, Frauen im Prozeß, p. 68.
487
Even the more recent historians who have worked with statistical data seem to have glossed
over the large portion of Old Catholics who were not part of the middle-classes. Berlis, Frauen im
 227

Yet were these really the Old Catholics? One could begin by asking whether all

or even some of the liberal members of the liberal clubs that first signed petitions

supporting Döllinger in the spring of 1871 pursued the founding of a dissident Church

with a similar verve. As a lead article in the Tages-Post complained a year after

Döllinger’s letter:

Würden all Mitglieder der liberalen Vereine, von denen doch

kaum ein Einziges an die Unfehlbarkeit des Papstes glaubt, offen
und entschieden zum Altkatholizismus stehen, so wäre dies eine
That ... die für die Unabhängigkeit des Staates von der
Oberherrlichkeit der Kirche und für den Bestand der Verfassung
mehr Werth hätte als Tausende von Resolutionen.488

Yet among the signatories of the 1870 petition against infallibility in Ried, the

majority came not from those reaping the benefits of industrialization and a liberal

state, but rather from the group increasingly challenged by both: artisans and the

working class (see Figure 9), who make up forty-nine percent and eleven percent,

respectively – thus together sixty percent of the movement. Surprisingly, there were

very few educated professionals: doctors and lawyers made up only four percent, a

number that increases to sixteen percent if we add state employees. Adding merchants,

landlords and rentiers, the total comes to thirty-six percent, still far short of a majority.

Prozeß; Blaschke, "Altkatholizismus," p. 65; Mergel, Zwischen Klasse und Konfession, pp. 282-307;
Sperber, Popular Catholicism, pp. 233-240.
488
Tages-Post, 16 March 1872.
 228

Figure 9: Signers of the 1870 Old Catholic Petition by Profession489

Comparing Ried to one of the few other cities where statistics are available, we find

similar results. Thomas Mergel’s study of the Old Catholic movement in Cologne also

has figures of about fifty percent for the “Kleinbürgertum” and another three percent

“Unterschichten.”490 Though in Ried there was greater participation among the

working class, the amount of artisan or lower-middle class involvement is almost

identical.

489
Source: Zierler, "Ried im Innkreis,” appendix 2.. Included in my count are all signatories for
whom a profession is listed, 243 of the total 360. Many others are listed only as ‘cousin of above,’ or
‘and wife.’
490
Figures are for 1874. Mergel, Zwischen Klasse und Konfession, p. 293.
 229

Table 8: The Old Catholic Community in Ried and Cologne in Comparison491

Ried Cologne
Merchant Middle-Class 36 (15,2 %) 176 (28,0 %)
Educated Elites 38 (16,0 %) 54 (8,6 %)
Professionals 18 (7,6 %) 64 (10,2 %)
Artisans (Kleinbürger) 118 (49,8 %) 311 (49,5 %)
Laborers (Unterschichten) 27 (11,4 %) 23 (3,7 %)
Total 237 (100 %) 628 (100 %)

The evidence also fits with anecdotal data from elsewhere: the Tages-Post

reported in 1870 that 700 workers (“arme Arbeiter ohne Kopf und Führer”) wanted to

leave the Church in protest in Styria;492 around the same time, the Deutsche Merkur

reported that in the northern Bohemian town of Warnsdorf — where another of

Cisleithania’s three Old Catholic communities was founded — it was weavers rather

than “die Gebildeten” who were joining the Old Catholic movement;493 and, finally,

when the Viennese Old Catholic community constituted itself in 1872, about half of

the Kultusvorstand consisted of artisans and members of the lower bureaucracy.494

Thus while one component of the Old Catholic movement was the liberal

Bildungsbürger, a second and more prominent element consisted of the lower middle

and working classes.

One city where the movement did find a decidedly working-class home was in

Steyr. South-east of Linz, the Upper Austrian town of Steyr looked to Josef Werndl’s

491
Source: Mergel, Zwischen Klasse und Konfession, p. 293; Zierler, "Ried im Innkreis,” appendix
2.
492
Tages-Post 23 July 1870.
493
Quoted in, Demmel, Geschichte des Alt-Katholizismus, p. 30.
494
Tages-Post, 14 February 1872.
 230

weapons’ factory as its main source of employment in the second half of the

nineteenth century. In April 1871, a few days after Döllinger’s letter appeared in the

liberal press, 115 workers from the factory signed a proclamation opposing

infallibility.495 Though the journey from Ried to Steyr would have taken the better part

of a day in 1871, Brader took it upon himself to also count these “lost souls” as part of

his community. He traveled there often in the next years, holding services, performing

baptisms and burials, and trying to keep the community there alive.

One of the few records to have survived is of a burial performed in the

Catholic cemetery in Steyr. The account is remarkable in how different it is from the

same ritual in Ried: In contrast to the bourgeois-pomp, with Bürgergarde and

Feuerwehr, that so irritated Freund and Rudigier in Ried, Brader’s ceremonies in Steyr

were simple and, above all, traditional:

Lauter Fabrikarbeiter, die begleitenden Weibspersonen beteten

den schmerzhaften Rosenkranz, dem Kreuze folgt die
Musikkapelle, dann der Leichenwagen und unmittelbar hinter
Demselben zwischen zwei Männern detecto capite Dr. Brader mit
einer Kerze in der Hand. Am Grabe betete er den De Profundis,
sprengte ein mitgebrachtes Weihwasser aus und am Schluß,
wurden 3 Vater Unser gebetet.496

495
The figures are in, SPA Steyr to BO Linz, 10 April 1871. On Brader’s travels to Steyr, see, e.g.,
SPA Steyr to BO Linz, 13 February 1872, 9 March 1872 and again 4 October 1872. All four letters can
be found in DAL CA/4, Sch. 64, Fasz. 32/5.
496
SPA Steyr to BO, 9 March 1872. DAL CA/4, Sch. 64, Fasz. 32/5. In a similar report a month
earlier, the SPA Steyr complains that he baptized two working class children “ganz nach dem
Ritual…der römisch-katholischen Kirche!” Even worse, the fathers were legally registered as
‘Confessionslos.’ SPA Steyr to BO, 13 February 1872. DAL CA/4, Sch. 64, Fasz. 32/5.
 231

It is a pity that so few documents exist on the working-class Old Catholic community

in Steyr. The available evidence hints at the malleability of the Old Catholic Church: a

powerful antidote to an “irrational” and “outdated” Roman religious construction for

the middle class; a cost-effective provider of religious services for the working poor

that at the same time undermined the existing social hierarchies – Werndl, the head of

the weapons’ factory, was a conservative Catholic.

This lower middle- and working-class component of the Old Catholic

movement, however, remained very much hidden behind a barrage of middle-class

rhetoric and images of the rational Bildungsbürger. The Actionscomité in Ried, for

example, was composed of two lawyers, a master clock-maker, a landlord and a

merchant, all of whom were men.497 The factory workers in Upper Austrian Steyr who

began to request Brader’s services, for example, never received a mention in the

liberal press; the report on the weavers in Warnsdorf was more of a complaint than a

report, admonishing the educated elite to also join the movement; and, the report on

the workers in Styria consisted of a similar plea, in which the liberal Tages-Post

lamented that these workers would surely return to the folds of the Roman Catholic

Church unless proper Bürger were soon found to lead the community.498

Old Catholic Men and Roman Catholic Women?

The gendering of religion with regard to the Old Catholic movement is also

important: how did the Old Catholic Church fit into the picture of an increasingly

497
Zierler, "Ried im Innkreis,” p. 36.
498
Demmel, Geschichte des Alt-Katholizismus, passim.
 232

‘feminine’ Roman Catholic Church in the nineteenth century — feminine both in who

went to Church (mostly women) and how the Church was represented (above all by

the Virgin Mary)?499 Could the phenomenon be interpreted as a ‘male’ rebellion

against an increasingly ‘female’ Church? “Erkläret offen, frei und männlich, dass Ihr

nur jene Priester behalten werdet, die diesem [vor-infillibalistischen] Glauben getreu

bleiben wollen,”500 is what the Tages-Post wrote to rally “all Catholics of Upper

Austria” just a few days after the passage of Pastor Aeternus. For liberals, there was

an inherent masculinity in confronting the Church and those that did not were “feige

und gewissenlos,” as one letter to the Tages-Post said.501

The Old Catholic movement in this sense represented an effort of the

‘masculine’ (liberal, male, public and progressive) forces of modernity to overtake and

control an increasingly ‘female’ institution that, liberals felt, had no place in the public

sphere. Moving stories of how devotion to the Virgin Mary — through visions and

prayer — helped heal the seemingly incurable, for example, were a mainstay of the

Catholic press.502 To Old Catholics these were old-wives-tales and proof of the

499
On the feminization of religion, see, Blackbourn, Marpingen: Apparitions of the Virgin Mary in
a Nineteenth-Century German Village, chpt. 1; Norbert Busch, "Die Feminisierung der Frömmigkeit,"
in Wunderbare Erscheinungen. Frauen und katholische Frömmigkeit im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, ed.
Irmtraud Götz von Olenhausen, (Paderborn, 1995); Hugh McLeod, "Weibliche Frömmigkeit -
männlicher Unglaube? Religion und Kirchen im bürgerlichen 19. Jahrhundert," in Bürgerinnen und
Bürger. Geschlechterverhältnisse im 19. Jahrhundert, ed. Ute Frevert, (Göttingen, 1988).
500
Tages-Post, 22 July 1870.
501
The letter was written in support of another letter of support that had been published the
previous day by the Männer des Kemptner Katholiken-Verein zur Abwehr römischer Neuerung. Tages-
Post, 14 May 1871.
502
Stories of sickness and miraculous healing were omnipresent among the pious — as pamphlets,
newspaper stories, in religious calendars and in Catholic journals. See, Busch, "Feminisierung." For an
example from Upper Austria, see, Ignaz Hollensteiner, Erzählung eines neunjährigen qualvollen
Leidens und einer am 15 März 1857 geschehenen wundervollen Genesung, (Linz, 1857).
 233

irrational and dangerously influential appeal that the Church exerted. In a telling

‘mirror’ of these stories, one Old Catholic, an architect who left Linz and moved to

Prussian Bonn in the 1860s, wrote to his former bishop, Rudigier:

Der wirkliche, geistige Austritt aus Ihrer Kirche erfolgte schon im

Jahre 1870 … Es gereicht mir zur großen Befriedigung, der ich
seit 5 Jahren auch bei einer schweren Krankheit, der Auflösung
nahe, kein Bedürfniß nach Trost und Gnadenmitteln aus der
Papstkirche suchte … Möge auch meinem lieben Vaterlande ein
Apostel des wahren Glaubens die Leuchte der Gewissensfreiheit
und den Oelzweig des geistigen Friedens bringen.”503

In this case, the narrative was reversed: The strong belief in freedom of thought and

conscience replaced a narrative of miraculous healing. Similarly, in reports of how

Old Catholics celebrated holidays and arranged for “anti”-events to overshadow

Roman Catholic processions during holidays, one is struck by the way in which these

parades have more to do with masculine Bürger-pomp than religious fervor. As

Freund wrote to Rudigier, Brader’s Old Catholic burials occurred, “mit Begleitung der

Bürgergarde und öfters auch der Turner und Feuerwehr.”504

This conflict also manifested itself in the image of the “Old Catholic husband”

and the “Roman Catholic wife.” Jonathan Sperber has argued in his study of Catholics

in the Rhineland that husbands converted behind their wives’ backs, after which

priests then ‘used’ the same wives — persuaded in the confessional, no less! — to

503
Radlegger to Rudigier, 3 March 1875. DAL CA/4, Sch. 64, Fasz. 32/5.
504
Freund to BO, 20 June 1873. DAL CA/4, Sch. 64, Fasz. 32/5.
 234

pressure their husbands to return to the fold.505 Martin Kirchhammer, the head of the

Ried Actionscomité complained in a similar manner that the Roman Catholics were

not playing by the rules of the public sphere. These were, “alles Hebel, welche im

Dunkel des Beichtstuhles, auf der Kanzel, in der Schule und allerwärts in Bewegung

gesetzt werden, um die Familien zu entzweien.”506 This malicious influence had, of

course, recently been on public display during the Gady trial, then barely a year old.

Through the confessional, liberals argued, the Roman Catholic Church had a direct

link to the private sphere: to the most intimate thoughts of its female parishioners and

thus, by extension, to the heart of the middle-class household. And any attempt to

remove this influence would fail as long as priests had a direct line into the heart of the

familial private sphere of the Bürger household.

In fact, this strategy did have some basis in fact: It was through familial

contacts rather than newspaper attacks that the Roman Catholic Church made its most

concerted efforts at reconverting Old Catholics. Freund, for example, tells of several

examples where his pressure prompted the re-conversion of an Old Catholic back to

the ‘true’ faith: in one example, two grooms-to-be reconverted after Freund put

pressure on their still-Catholic fiancés; in another example, pressure was exerted on an

Old Catholic son by way of both his parents and his brother, who was a Roman

Catholic priest; the son also relented.507 Brader, in an exception that merely proves the

505
Sperber, Popular Catholicism, pp. 234-236.
506
Tages-Post, 4 April 1873.
507
For the first example, see Freund to BO, 25 October 1873, and Freund to BO, 11 January 1874.
Both letters are in DAL CA/4, Sch. 64, Fasz. 32/5.
 235

rule, was repeatedly reprimanded in the clerical press that it was his parents who

suffered the most from his actions, and that it was his parents who have asked the

Church to look after his welfare.508

Table 9: Signers of the 1870 Old Catholic Petition in Ried by Gender and Marital
Status509

Single with Married Families with

Totals Single Children Couples Children
Men 214 (100%) 88 (42%) 5 (2%) (19%) (37%)
41 80
Women 171 (100%) 41 (24%) 9 (5%) (24%) (47%)

Total Men 214 (56%) Total Single 242 (63%)

Total Women 171 (44%) Total Married 143 (37%)

The masculine imagery did not, however, necessarily translate into a male

movement: while men were in the majority, women made up forty-four percent of

Ried’s initial Old Catholic membership. This in itself does not contradict a feminized

version of the Catholic Church: after all, if male priests could preach salvation through

the Virgin Mary, their female parishioners could conversely seek more masculine role

models for their own behavior outside of the Roman Catholic Church. Thomas Mergel

argued in his study of the Catholic bourgeoisie in the Rhineland that,

“unselbstständige Frauen, also Ehefrauen, blieben römisch-katholisch.

Selbstständigen Frauen fiel es leichter, sich der neuen [altkatholischen]

508
Press clippings can be found in BA, Rudigier Archiv, Sch. 5.
509
Source: Zierler, "Ried im Innkreis,” Appendix 2. These figures, however, are unsystematic and
based on the response given; while it is probably safe to assume that the married responses are true,
those who indicated nothing at all may well have been signing without the knowledge (or consent) of
their spouse.
 236

Gemeindebildung anzuschließen.”510 In Cologne, where Mergel’s figures are from,

forty percent of the women who joined were single and a further twenty percent

widowed. Furthermore, of these, eighty-seven percent said their profession was

“Rentnerin.” In Linz, however, this does not hold true: over sixty percent of all

signatories and seventy percent of female signatories were married. Austrian families

went Old Catholic or stayed Roman Catholic together much more often than their

counterparts in Prussia.

The Austrian State and the Old Catholic Movement

The rise of the anti-infallibility and Old Catholic movements was in many ways

analogous to the development of a Catholic-conservative movement after the Rudigier

and Gady trials: excluded from the institution each felt a part of (for Rudigier and co.,

the state; for anti-infallibility liberals, the Roman Catholic Church), each created

alternate structures to compensate for the loss. At this point it might be easy to say that

there is no comparison: the Catholic-conservative movement became a wide-scale

social movement, dominating politics during the 1880s and beyond, whereas the Old

Catholics remained an awkward splinter movement, with only a brief return to the

limelight in the 1890s in the context of the Los-von-Rom movement. But the

importance of the Old Catholic movement also lies in how it tempered the state’s

510
Mergel, Zwischen Klasse und Konfession, p. 295.
 237

policy toward religious equality, shifting state policy away from liberal ideals of

tolerance and toward the more interventionist approach seen in the 1874 May Laws.511

The Stremayr Memo of February 1872

Vienna did not legally recognize the Old Catholics as a confession until 1877,

and since only legally recognized religions had the right to practice publicly,512 its

members existed in a sort of legal limbo: Catholic in the eyes of the state, non-

Catholic in the eyes of the Church. Hopes ran high in the fall of 1871 that one of the

many petitions to the government might lead to some sort of a dramatic

announcement, especially after a liberal government under Prince Adolph von

Auersperg took power from the more conservative Hohenwart government in

November. Carl von Stremayr, well known for the pronounced anti-Roman stance he

had exhibited in 1870, once again took up the post as Minister for Religion and

Education.513 In February 1872, Stremayr set to work, carefully formulating an official

policy on the Old Catholic question. Picking up where his predecessor Josef Jurecek

511
On the 1874 May Laws, see above, pp. 132-135.
512
Article 14 of the 1867 Constitution guaranteed “full freedom of religion and of conscience.”
Article 15, however, added that only legally recognized religions had the right to public worship and
self-organization. Though individuals of other religions could worship privately (Article 16). Ernst Carl
Hellbling, Österreichische Verfassungs- und Verwaltungsgeschichte, (Vienna, 1956), pp. 391-392.
Legally recognized religions in 1870 were: Catholicism (Roman and Uniate), Protestantism (Helvetian
and Augsburg), Judaism, Greek Orthodoxy, and Islam (in Bosnia, after 1912 in all of Cisleithania).
Religions added later were: the Old Catholics (1877), the Protestant Brotherhood (1880), the
Lippowaner (1897). See, Ludwig Gumplowicz, Das österreichische Staatsrecht (Verfassungs- und
Verwaltungsrecht), 2nd ed., (Vienna, 1902), pp. 228-243.
513
The Wiener Zeitung on 2 August 1870 had published a Stremayr talk in which he argued that
the "katholische Kirche mit diesem neuen Lehrsatze sich auf ihre bisher fremde Gebiete begeben habe,"
and that "an Stelle der alten, historischen, limitierten Kirchengewalt eine neue, unbeschränkte und
unbeschränkbare getreten ist.” Cited in an article by Johann Friedrich von Schulte, Tages-Post, 14
February 1875.
 238

had left off,514 Stremayr began by emphasizing that the state saw the Old Catholic

movement as “innerkirchlich,” pertaining to “lediglich den Rechtsbestand

dogmatischer Sätze.”515 In the past months, he continued, the movement had

transcended the boundaries “für welche nicht die Kirchen- sondern die Staatsgesetze

maßgebend sind.” He was referring especially to births and deaths, baptisms and

marriages – in short, the parish registries. Stremayr explained the legal conundrum:

Legally, as long as the Old Catholics did not officially declare themselves as having

left the — as he diplomatically put it — “Boden des geschichtlich herausgestalteten

kirchlichen Gesamtorganismus,“ the state considered them Roman Catholic, subject to

the same regulations and the same hierarchy as all other Roman Catholics.

Würde ein solcher Schritt seitens der „Altkatholiken“

rechtsförmlich vorgenommen, dann stünden denselben allerdings
jene Rechte offen, welche Artikel 16 des Staats-Grundgesetzes
vom 21. Dezember 1867 R.G.Bl. no. 142 einräumen, während
bezüglich ihrer Eheschließungen, Eheaufgebote, überhaupt
bezüglich aller ihrer Civilstands-Akte das Gesetz vom 9. April
1870 R.G.Bl. No. 51 maßgebend sein würde.

He then spelled out the consequences of such a view:

In solange aber ein solcher Schritt nicht geschehen ist, kann die
Regierung zur Ausübung jener staatlichen Funktionen … nur
diejenigen Priester als legitimiert ansehen, welche nach den
bestehenden Gesetzen und kirchlich-staatlichen Einrichtungen als

514
See p. 206, above.
515
Stremeyer to SHL, 20 February 1872, OöLA StPr Sch. 418.
 239

die ordentlichen Seelsorger jener Bekenntnisse erscheinen.

This meant that all entries — especially marriages — made in separate Old Catholic

registries, or that had been entered in the parish registries by an Old Catholic priest,

were invalid. Then he finally drew the only logical conclusion:

Bei dem offenbaren Mangel eines gesetzlich annerkanten

Organismus der Altkatholiken kann weder die Versammlung jener
Gläubigen als ordentliche Pfarrgemeinden, noch ihr Seelsorger
als ordentlicher Seelsorger im Sinn des Gesetzes angesehen
werden.

Neither the Old Catholics nor their liberal sympathizers had expected such an

outspoken liberal and anti-Roman statesman to take such a position. It was as if “ein

Stein in das Glashaus unserer zarten konstitutionellen Flora gefallen wäre,”

commented the Tages-Post, adding, “wir glaubten ein Religionsedikt Rudolfs II zu

lesen.”516 One unbelieving local official in Braunau wrote back to the Statthalterei in

Linz to inquire whether the directive had been a prank.517 For Old Catholics, it was

indeed quite a blow. “Der Staat stellte in der Tat den ganzen staatsgrundgesetzlichen

Apparat in den Dienst der infallibilistischen Hierarchie,” is how the Old Catholic

historian Hans Josef Demmel put it.518 Things then went from bad to worse: on 5

March 1872 when the conversion of the old theater in Ried into an Old Catholic

Church was finally completed, the government issued a directive banning Old

516
“Die Rosen des Herrn von Stremayr .” Tages-Post, 12 March 1872, p. 1.
517
Bezirkshauptman Braunau to SHL, 8 March 1872, OöLA StPr Sch. 418.
518
Demmel, Geschichte des Alt-Katholizismus, p. 24.
 240

Catholic services.519 The Old Catholic community ignored the directive — easy to do

in the face of sympathetic local officials — and the ensuing storm of protest quickly

led the government to withdraw the order.520

The Cat and Mouse Game in the Parish Registries

In wake of the various decrees, a subtle game of cat and mouse began between

the Roman Catholic and Old Catholic communities in Ried and Steyr over the praxis

of the parish registries. Brader would perform ceremonies — marriages, baptisms, last

rites, funerals — and then call on Freund, asking him to enter the ceremonies into the

parish registries. Freund would then write to the Bischöfliches Ordinariat, ostensibly

to ask for advice; in fact, he was stalling. Next, the Bischöfliches Consistorium would

write to the Statthalterei something to the effect of: “dass das Pfarramt keinen Pfarrer

Brader, sondern nur einen abgefallenen Priester Brader kenne,”521 — as one letter

from December 1872 put it — and that the ceremonies could therefore not in be

entered into the parish registries in good faith. The local authorities would then

disagree: “Es handelt sich hier nicht um den Glauben,” was the general tenor of the

responses; it was a simple bureaucratic matter of the state-designated record holder —

the priest — entering an official act into the official state registries.522

519
Tages-Post, 7 March 1872, 2-3; Demmel, Geschichte des Alt-Katholizismus, p. 25.
520
Tages-Post, 12 March 1872, p. 1.
521
Emphasis in the original. BO to SHL, 13 December 1872. DAL, CA/4, Sch. 64, Fasz. 32/1.
522
Verbal communication of the Amtsleiter, Ried, related in, Freund to BO, 4 February 1872.
DAL, CA/4, Sch. 64, Fasz. 32/5.
 241

Old Catholic weddings especially proved to be a headache for local officials.

The civil-marriage law of 1868 permitted a civil service for members of an officially

recognized religion — which, if they had not formally left the Catholic Church, Old

Catholics still were — only after the local priest had denied the couple the right to

marry “aus einem durch die Gesetzgebung des Staates nicht anerkannten

Hinderungsgrunde.”523 A priest refusing to marry a couple on the grounds that they

were Old Catholic, for example, was not a legally accepted Hinderungsgrund –

confessional difference in this way did note yet exist – thus enabling a civil ceremony.

Stremayr’s memo of 20 February 1872, because it now officially introduced this

option, resulted in a flurry of new civil marriages between Old Catholics, as this was

now the simplest way to avoid the bureaucratic stalling of Pfarrer Freund.

As the number of ceremonies multiplied — there were eleven civil marriages

in 1872 alone — local officials began to complain, arguing that the Old Catholics were

misusing the civil ceremony. As the Amtsleiter in Ried wrote to the Statthalterei in

January 1873,

Im Allgemeinen [scheint] die hiesige Bevölkerung den Sinn und

die Wichtigkeit des Aktes der Eheschließung von der weltlichen
Behörde … nicht zu begreifen … Während die Brautleute den
civilen Akt der Eheschließung so gewisser Massen nur als …
unbequeme Formalität zu betrachten scheinen, wird aller nur
mögliche landesübliche Pomp entwickelt [für die Zeremonie
danach]... Die Wichtigkeit und Tragweite der vorausgegangenen

523
Eduard Rittner, Oesterreichisches Eherecht. Systematisch und mit Berücksichtigung anderer
Gesetzgebungen dargestellt, (Leipzig, 1876), p. 239.
 242

Civil-Aktes [wird ] gänzlich missverstanden.

Local officials grew increasingly irritated at the whole religious “act” that both sides

seemed to be engaging in. In what was an uncharacteristically bitter letter, the

Amtsleiter continued that Old Catholics were,

einer extrem liberalen politischen Fraktion angehörig, hierbei

nur eminent politische Zwecke verfolgen, nämlich: die
Emancipation des Staates von der Kirche, und die Frage des
Verhältnisses zwischen den letzteren und dem Staate ihrer Lösung
näher zu bringen... Ihnen fehlt der sittliche reformatorische
Christ, die religiöse Überzeugung, und da, ausgesprochener
Materialisten und Indifferentisten an der Spitze derselben stehen,
die Ehrlichkeit.

Yet the Amtsleiter had no kind words for the “other side” either. Freund, he wrote, had

fostered “den bekanten Conflict und die religiöse Spaltung in Ried [mit] geradezu

mutwilliger Weise.“ And much responsibility, he added, also belonged to Rudigier:

Ohne Zweifel im höheren Auftrage, fand es Canonicus Freund

bedauerlicher Weise, nicht für angezeigt, sich diese
Auskunftsmittels, wodurch die hier herrschende Bewegung
jedenfalls in ruhigere Bahnen getröstet worden wäre, zu bedienen
sondern verweigerte den Brautpaaren, die sich als ‚altkatholisch’
bekannten, ohne weiteres die kirchliche Verkündigung und
Entgegennahme der Erklärung der Einwilligung zur Ehe,
vorgebend.524

524
Amtsleiter Ried to SHL, 12 January 1873. OöLA StPr XI A, Sch. 418.
 243

First, Rudigier complained to the Statthalterei that Old Catholic marriages in Ried had

too much of a civil und bürgerlich character. Next, the priests in Steyr complained that

Old Catholic funerals seemed to provide traditional sacraments to people who had

formally left the Church, and now the civil authorities complained that the whole

conflict only served to diminish the political legitimacy of the liberal state.

In July 1874, the government began efforts to pave the way for the creation of a

new “Religionsgemeinde.” A first law addressed the problem of choosing between

“Old” Catholic and “Roman” Catholic by decreeing that one did not first have to

formally leave one confession before founding or joining another, an important victory

for the Old Catholics. On 18 October 1877, the Old Catholic confession was finally

legally recognized.525

These conflicts soon came to the heart of the conflict between church and state:

was the Roman Catholic parish priest a state official who had a legal obligation to

maintain state records, or could he let his conscience dictate which records to keep and

how? Who, in essence, decided whether Old Catholics were, in fact, Catholics? In the

course of 1872 opinions both among clergy and higher state officials varied

dramatically on these questions and the amount of correspondence between the

officials ‘on the ground’ — the parish and the local government officials in Ried and

Steyr — and in higher offices in Linz and Vienna increased exponentially. The

525
RGBl. 68, 20 May 1874, pp. 151-154; RGBl. 99, 18 October 1877, p. 270. Hoyer, "Die
Altkatholische Kirche," pp. 622-624.
 244

authorities even arrested Freund’s Kooperator Stritzinger at one point after he publicly

declared that Old Catholic “Civil-Ehen” were not legally binding.526

Ried, however, was a somewhat extreme case. In Braunau, a town on the

Bavarian border with a significant Old Catholic community, the local officials reached

a modus vivendi on the parish registries. Braunau is little mentioned in the Austrian

Old Catholic accounts, since its Old Catholics generally crossed the Bavarian border

into neighboring Simbach to participate in services there. In the case of a married Old

Catholic couple with a baby daughter who moved to Braunau from Ried in 1874, the

local Catholic priest and the municipal authorities quickly found a compromise: the

priest, Josef Heigl, filled out all the necessary information — name, occupation, date,

and type of event — but left the official ‘status’ of the participants blank (married,

baptized). The local government official would then enter the key words “legally

married” or “legally baptized” in the parish registry, thus saving the priest from having

to pass judgment. Thereafter, the priest would ‘copy’ the existing public record in

order to produce a valid Catholic marriage or baptism license for the state records.527

By mid-1873, the government had realized the quagmire that its 20 February

directive was causing and began seeking Braunau-style compromises for Cisleithania

as a whole. A first directive followed in June, this time issued by the Ministry of the

Interior rather than for Religion and Education, ordering priests to enter births,

baptisms and deaths of Old Catholics into the registries, but permitting them the right

526
Freund to Rudigier, 3 January 1873. DAL CA/4, Sch. 64, Fasz. 32/5.
527
See the report by Heigl, 22 January 1873. DAL CA/4, Sch. 64, Fasz. 32/5; Bezirkshauptmann,
Ried, to SHL, 17 January 1874; Karl Heindl to SHL, 30 September 1874, and 15 October 1874. OöLA
StPr XI A, Sch. 418.
 245

to enter the “circumstances of the entry” in the “comments” field. A form was then

included to cover eventual conflicts, which were then to be handled by the local

authorities. After a string of conflicts as to exactly what a priest could enter into the

“comments” field, the ministry issued a second directive in December: births, deaths

and baptisms should be entered as “Catholic” in such cases and the comments field be

used solely as a reference field, citing the relevant correspondence with local state

officials on matter. In this way the local priest could register the fact that he had been

“forced” to enter the information by the worldly authorities, something Rudigier

demanded, but the registry would still be valid for the state.528

Religion and Schooling

The confrontation between Old and Roman Catholics also became important in

the question of religious education. In January 1872, four of the twenty-five students

at the recently opened Gymnasium in Ried529 signed a petition declaring their

allegiance to the Old Catholic Church. The headmaster, a liberal whose own viewpoint

against anti-infallibility was well known, supported the boys. Two of the boys were

below the age of consent (fourteen) and would thus nonetheless have to continue

attending Catholic instruction.530 But for the remaining two, the situation was more

528
Ministry of the Interior, Vienna, to SHL, 21 July 1873 and 30 December 1873. OöLA StPr XI
A, Sch. 418. Even then, however, problems persisted as priests in some cities, most notably Ried and
Steyr, continued to ignore these directives and refused to act on any matter without word from the
Bischöfliches Ordinariat. See the correspondence between Freund and the BO as well as between the
SPA Steyr and the BO in the second half of 1873 in, DAL, CA/4, Sch. 64, Fasz. 32/5.
529
The k.k. Staatsrealgymnasium opened in 1871.
530
At fourteen, a child could declare a confession affiliation of his or her own free will; below the
age of seven, it was the parents who determined the confession, and between those ages no change was
possible. Gumplowicz, Das österreichische Staatsrecht, p. 230; Walter Hauptmann, "Die Entwicklung
 246

complicated. Although after fourteen every child could choose his or her own religion,

Old Catholicism was not a recognized confession by the state. The boys ceased taking

part in the Catholic religious instruction in school but their status remained unclear.

Were they now officially atheist? Catholic? Did they need to be reclassified as

Protestants for the time being? No one was sure, though by the time word came from

the Bischöfliches Consistorium a few weeks later, the boys seem to have dropped their

case and thus the matter was dropped.531

The incident nevertheless had ramifications for how religion would be taught in

schools: over the course of the following year, the liberal local school board, which

Rudigier had barred priests from joining as a protest against the May Laws, began

placing lay Catholic instructors in the religious classes.532 These instructors were to

give a more ‘balanced’ view of the Catholic religion than that provided by Stritzinger,

the local assistant priest.533 Freund and Stritzinger appealed the measure to the

Ministry for Education and Religion, without success.534 Concurrent with the court

proceedings and well aware that the Catholic Church would probably lose, the parish

in Ried began a program of extra-curricular religious instruction, teaching religion

der Religionsmündigkeit im deutschen und im österreichischen Recht," Österreichisches Archiv für

Kirchenrecht 19 (1968).
531
Joseph Kobler to Rudigier, 9 January 1872. DAL, CA/4, Sch. 64, Fasz. 32/5.
532
Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. II, pp. 25-63; Rudigier, Schulaufsichtsgesetz.
533
Even among Ultramontane priests, Stritzinger seems to have been an extreme case. Around this
time, Freund complained that he would like a second Kooperator to balance the hot-headedness of
Stritzinger. Freund to Rudigier, 31 December 1872. CA/4, Sch. 64, Fasz. 32/5.
534
The verdicts are attached to a letter from Stritzinger to Rudigier, 31 December 1872. CA/4,
Sch. 64, Fasz. 32/5.
 247

outside the school system altogether. As Stritzinger proudly reported around the time

that the final verdict,

An und für sich wird an der Sache dadurch nichts geändert, u. da

die Kinder immer mehr und fleißiger in den Religionsunterricht
kommen, können wir in unseren Verhältnissen getrost die
Entscheidung ad acta legen. Bei der neulichen Kinderbeicht sind
nur die Kinder exclusiv neuprotestantischer535 Häuser
ausgeblieben; die der zahmeren Gegner haben sich eingefunden.
Von der Bürgerschule kommt etwa das Drittheil Schüler in
meinen Unterricht.536

Instead of forcing greater oversight of how religion was taught within the public

school system, the confrontation provoked the creation of a separate realm altogether,

where neither the government nor the school board had any jurisdiction.

* * *

The Old Catholic episode is central to the arguments of this dissertation in

several respects: First, it demonstrates that the Catholic Church was not just a liberal

political ‘opponent,’ but that religion – especially its public display – remained an

important aspect of most liberals’ lives. At the same time, the ultimate failure of the

Old Catholic movement to find a solid basis among the liberal Bürgertum

535
I.e., Old Catholics — this is how Rudigier referred to Old Catholics and thus became the
standard term in the correspondence.
536
Stritzinger to Rudigier, 31 December 1872. CA/4, Sch. 64, Fasz. 32/5.
 248

demonstrates the escalating inwardness of religion, its retreat into the private sphere.

Liberals increasingly differentiated between Catholicism and its role in their private

lives, and the Catholic Church as a political actor in the public sphere. Second, on the

side of the Church, the confrontation with its liberal constituency represented an

additional incentive to close its ranks, to restructure its priorities, and redefine the

relationship between parish and priest, priest and bishop, and bishop and Rome. As the

example of the Gymnasium in Ried fittingly demonstrates: when faced with liberal

schools, the Catholic Church began to form its own semi-public spaces, removed from

the grasp of the state and the liberal public sphere.

Finally, for the Austrian state, the development of a splinter movement and

subsequent formation and recognition of a ‘new’ religion forced it to move from

liberal theories of religious freedom to the actual practice of religious equality. After

the idealistic proclamations of the 1868 May Laws and the careless way in which

Francis Joseph and the Potocki government terminated the Concordat in 1870,

subsequent governments were forced to pay much more attention to the long-term

repercussions of religious policy. The wide sweep from the idealism of the 1870

Concordat termination to the harsh political realism of Stremayr’s February 1872

memo, and finally to the compromise legislation of 1873/4 shows a government

painstakingly finding its way between its liberal ideals and pragmatic realities of

religious toleration.
 249

Section Three: Catholicism and the Social Question, 1854-1914

The Catholic Church’s response to liberalism covered in the previous three

chapters represents one aspect of its role in the process of modernization, namely the

Church’s reaction to democratization and secularization in the form of

Ultramontanism, i.e., ideological centralization and consolidation. Yet how did this

transformation play out in the long run and on the ground? What affects did it have on

other aspects of Church life? While historians have explored obvious ramifications of

Ultramontanism, such as the Modernism crisis in the 1890s,537 little attempt has been

made to see how it affected other aspects of Church life. This section will explore

these questions by examining the Church’s role in industrialization and urbanization:

how did the Church approach the ‘social question’ and how did Ultramontanism affect

this approach?

When Bishop Franz Josef Rudigier took office in 1854, the Catholic Church

viewed the increasing number of urban poor as a problem of traditional poverty and

morality. Those ‘inflicted’ with the burden of poverty should accept their place, and if

they did so with a solid moral character, they would be able to count on charity from

the Church whenever possible. By the eve of the First World War, those views had

537
On the Modernist crisis in Austria and Upper Austria, see, Lester R. Kurtz, The Politics of
Heresy: The Modernist Crisis in Roman Catholicism, (Berkeley, 1986); Weinzierl and Michels,
Modernismus; Rudolf Zinnhobler, "Die Modernismuskrise in Oberösterreich," Jahrbuch des
Oberösterreichischen Musealvereines 147 (2002).
 250

changed dramatically: The poor and the working classes were viewed as victims of a

godless system — capitalism — and thus hardly in control of their own destiny; the

Church should not just help the needy but should work toward altering the social and

economic framework that determined their suffering. Indeed, by the late 1890s the

Catholic Church presided over a vast network of working-class associations, charitable

institutions and political parties that helped pass significant social legislation.

Two arguments will be made as I follow the course of Catholic efforts to help

the working class and to address the social question in Upper Austria: First, I will

argue that a much broader range of theoretical and practical approaches existed than is

usually assumed by historians. Second, in turning to the period from 1890 to 1914, I

argue that these efforts ultimately failed and that this failure was in large part due to

the conflicting messages and structures that resulted from the development of

Ultramontanism after 1870. Even in the aftermath of Rerum Novarum, when the

Catholic working-class associations reached their apex, conflicts over the ideology of

Catholicism between the hierarchy, the lower clergy and the working-class laity, made

large-scale political action on the behalf of workers increasingly impossible within the

confines of Catholic ideology.

Accordingly, this section consists of two chapters: The first begins by examining

the similarities in how the Catholic Church and the Austrian legal system approached

the social problem in the 1850s: each saw migration and urbanization through the legal

prism of Heimatrecht and poor relief; and each placed the burden of responsibility

squarely on the moral behavior of the individual worker. In the 1860s and 70s,

Catholic thinking on the social question shifted and Lasallian ideas, especially about
 251

the role of the state in combating social problems, began to influence Catholic

thinking. The second chapter examines the world created by Rerum Novarum. The

chapter begins by analyzing the theological context of the encyclical and its initial

reception in Upper Austria by both the higher and lower clergy. Thereafter, I examine

the local reception of Rerum Novarum in three settings: first, a short tiff between the

diocese administration and the state after two priests made comments that were

viewed by state officials as bordering on socialism; second, an examination of the

failure of the Viennese Christian Social movement to find a foothold in Upper Austria;

and, finally, a look at a strike between Catholic workers and the diocese at the

Dombau in 1909.
 252

Chapter Six. From Poor Relief to the Social Question

Before Rerum Novarum in 1891, the Catholic Church was rarely perceived as

actively engaging the ‘social question’ — that hodge-podge of problems and themes

associated with the plight of the poor and the working classes in the context of

urbanization and industrialization.538 Long before the social question was formulated

as such, the Catholic Church, after all a self-described ‘charitable’ institution, played a

central role in caring for a given community’s less fortunate. In nineteenth-century

Austria, this role had a firm basis in law. Catholic priests were the ones who dispensed

poor relief in a community. Priests thus saw the growing working class in the cities

not just as urban poor, but also as illegal migrants whose mere presence created a

bureaucratic problem as much as it did one of insufficient means.

This chapter will begin by examining the legal and institutional structures that

existed in the state and the Catholic Church in the 1840s and 1850s. What laws

determined who could move where? How did the Church view these laws and what

role did it play in their implementation? Where there efforts ‘outside’ these structures

in dealing with urban migrants? A second section will then turn to the development of

Catholic thinking on the social question in the 1860s and 70s, focusing on how the

538
There is no standard definition for the ‘social question;’ rather, it is a set of themes and
problems usually related to the plight working classes in the context of industrialization. The emphasis
and general themes can vary a good deal depending on where, when and by whom the ‘social question’
is being addressed. A good overview is provided by, Wolfram Fischer, "Social Tensions at Early Stages
of Industrialization," Comparative Studies in Society and History 9 (Oct., 1966).
 253

issue played out in Austria and Upper Austria. How did discussion of the ‘social

question’ begin among Catholic thinkers there? What were the major theoretical

streams and where did these originate? And, finally, did individual priests in Upper

Austria act on any of these ideas and recommendations? The final section will then

introduce Rerum Novarum, focusing on how encyclical and its initial reception in

Upper Austria.

The ‘Bureaucratic Problem’ of Industrialization: Heimatrecht and

Ehekonsens

Two legal constraints greatly influenced how industrialization in the Habsburg

Monarchy could take place. Heimatrecht (the right of domicile or residency in a

commune) and Ehekonsens (a communal consent required to marry) were the two

most important legal techniques available to Austrian communes for controlling the

ebb and flow of migration during the initial decades of industrialization. In its most

traditional sense, Heimatrecht was accorded to every citizen of Austria in only one

community, where it permitted that citizen the right “des ungestörten Aufenthalts und

den Anspruch auf Armenversorgung.”539 A person’s Heimatberechtigung was

determined by the following criteria:

(a) Place of birth,

(b) Marital status (women were automatically assigned the Heimatrecht of their

husbands),

539
§ 3, RGBl. 18, 5 March 1862, p. 37. See, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, ANNO, [cited.
Also see, Julius Siegl, Oesterreichisches Heimatrecht. Die Vorschriften über das Heimat- und das
Staatsbürgerrecht nebst erläuternden Bemerkungen, (Vienna, 1901), p. 7.
 254

(c) Admission as Heimatberechtigter in a new community, or

(d) Holding public office in a given community: priests and civil servants

received an automatic Heimatrecht in the Gemeinde where they worked.

For women and children there were additional rules: divorce — without a papal

dispensation only possible for Jews and Protestants — and widowhood meant the

automatic reversion of a wife’s Heimat status to the community where she had been

before the marriage;540 for minors, the rule was that legitimate children acquired the

Heimatrecht of the father, illegitimate children that of the mother. Heimatrecht was

thus ensconced in deeply patriarchal ideas of family, the commune, and the state as the

three pillars of social order.541 Not having Heimatrecht in a given community,

however, did not exclude someone from residing there.542 Though migration inside the

borders of Austria and the rest of the German Confederation was possible before 1849,

it remained mostly a small-scale affair. In the 1820s, increased migration due to

poverty and the occasional proto-industrial development led many communities to

540
After 1863, widowed women retained the Heimatrecht of their husbands. Before that date, it
usually remained a matter of dispute between the widow, the community where she lived with her
husband, and the one where she had held her Heimatrecht before the marriage. Siegl, Heimatrecht, pp.
7-9.
541
Paraphrasing A. Vahlkamps, Mack Walker writes, “First, that a man has a right to love and
better himself, and must do it somewhere; but second, that the social community, lying between family
and state collectivity, rightly has its own distinct group life, where human relations mature and cohere,
and it has a right to defend itself against dissolution.” A. Vahlkampf. Ueber Heimathgesetze: Der Streit
der Interessen und Ansichten in Beziehung auf das Heimathwesen, (1848). Cited in, Mack Walker,
German Home Towns: Community, State, and General Estate, 1648-1871, (Ithaca, 1971), p. 348.
542
The difference is between Aufenthaltsrecht, which I shall call “informal residency,” and
Heimatrecht, which I shall call “formal residency.” The former should be thought of negatively: the
right not to be immediately barred from a community without good cause. This is in contrast with
Heimatrecht, which included material benefits — the right to poor relief — as well as a permanent right
of residency. In the course of the nineteenth century, the grounds for expulsion became more and more
narrowly defined as an increasing number of those cast out sought legal recourse. See, Friedrich Lehne,
"Rechtsschutz im öffentlichen Recht: Staatsgerichtshof, Reichsgericht, Verwaltungsgerichthof," in Die
Habsburgermonarchie 1848-1918, ed. Adam Wandruszka, et al., (Vienna, 1975), pp. 684-686.
 255

pass new, stricter laws barring outsiders, and Heimatrecht became increasingly used as

a pretext for expelling the unemployed. In this respect, the 1849 Stadion Constitution

was a watershed: it guaranteed freedom of movement (and thus informal residency) as

well as the right to own property to all citizens within Austria.543 The constitution was

quickly followed by the 1849 Provisorisches Gemeindegesetz, which provided another

important legal precedent for immigrants:

die Aufnahme in dem Gemeindeverband erfolgt ... auch

Stillschweigend durch Duldung eines ohne Heimatschein, oder
mit einem bereits erloschenen Heimatscheine sich durch vier
Jahre ununterbrochener in der Gemeinde aufhaltenden, die
österreichische Staatsbürgerschaft besitzenden Fremden.544

The new legislation greatly eased the rules of residency. By contrast, the residency law

of 1804 had required a 10-year residency and said nothing of it occurring

Stillschweigend — the migrant still had to apply for Heimatrecht after ten years.

Government policy in Heimatrecht is thus a good example of the often contradictory

nature of 1850s neoabsolutism: modernizing in its approach to the state apparatus and

yet, in the view of most contemporary liberals, fiercely reactionary because of its

attack on local privileges. As one contemporary aptly commented: “one sees the

bellwethers of liberalism fraternally trooping together with the reactionaries, seeking

543
Marckhgott, "Fremde Mitbürger," p. 285.
544
§ 12, I. Abschnitt, RGBl. 170, 17 March 1849, p. 205. See, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek,
ANNO, [cited. On the Gemeindegesetz, also see, Siegl, Heimatrecht, p. 50.
 256

the same ends; absolutist governments strive for the progress of the times and liberal

chambers put spokes in their wheels.”545

For those whom communal officials deemed unwanted, such as labor activists or

the unemployed, Heimatrecht presented an efficient legal means of expulsion. In one

Upper Austrian factory in 1846, for example, the police were summoned to drive a

number of “troublemakers” out of the community after these had protested the cruel

methods of the new factory manager.546 In a similar case elsewhere, a raid organized

by the police led to 210 arrests – mostly socialists, beggars, and a few unemployed

workers – under the pretext of Heimatrecht; eighty-two of them were expelled

immediately.547 New Heimatrecht legislation in 1863 reflected the growing influence

of local liberals in the political process. After 1863, the commune had the sole right to

decide who could receive Heimatrecht and there was no right of appeal, which closed

the door on an already very limited system (see Table 10, below, for statistics on

Linz). In the 1870s and 80s, however, it became increasingly clear that

industrialization and urbanization created a steadily increasing class of often

unemployed urban poor who created strains that the systems of Heimatrecht and

Gemeindeordnung were unequipped to deal with. Liberals refused to budge, however,

and only in 1896 was a new set of Heimatrecht regulations issued. The Novellierung

545
Vahlkampf, Ueber Heimathgesetze. Cited in, Walker, German Home Towns, p. 309.
546
Gerhart Marckhgott, "Quellen zur Frühzeit der Textilindustrie," Mitteilungen des
Oberösterreichischen Landesarchivs 15 (1986): p. 247.
547
Konrad, Arbeiterklasse, p. 165.
 257

of the Heimatrecht in 1896548 reinstated the legal claim to Heimatrecht after ten years

of residency in a commune, as well as the right to appeal a commune’s decision to a

higher court, but for a highly mobile population increasingly on the move since at least

the mid-1860s this provided little relief.549

Table 10: Applications for Ehekonsens and Heimatrecht in Linz, 1852-1857550

Ehekonsens Heimatrecht
Granted Denied Granted Denied
1852 102 19 8 16
1853 106 21 0 10
1854 25 13 5 7
1855 56 28 14 10
1856 94 39 12 13
1857 71 42 4 9

Ehekonsens was in many ways a similar process.551 In most communes in Upper

Austria, the groom needed obtain permission in order to marry. In this way, each

commune sought to restrict the number of new families so that only those with a

“good moral standing” and a certain degree of financial independence could marry. In

practice, the criteria used by each commune varied a great deal from year to year,

though generally the tendency was toward rather strict enforcement.552 Couples

548
RGBl. 222, 19 December 1896, pp. 743-744. See, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek, ANNO,
[cited.
549
Siegl, Heimatrecht, p. 40. An especially good Marxist critique on the effect of Heimatrecht on
the patterns of industrialization in the western Monarchy can be found in, Jiri Klabouch, Die
Gemeindeselbstverwaltung in Österreich, 1848-1918, (Vienna, 1968), pp. 69-70.
550
Source: John, Bevölkerung in der Stadt, p. 88.
551
On Ehekonsens, see, Elisabeth Mantl, Heirat als Privileg. Obrigkeitliche
Heiratsbeschränkungen in Tirol und Vorarlberg 1820-1920, (Vienna and Munich, 1997).
552
On occasion, Gemeinden were reprimanded by the central government for placing the barriers
to entry too high. See, for example, the correspondence in, OöLA StAR, V F-L, Sch. 2.
 258

nevertheless always found ways to skirt the law, either by going abroad553 or by

finding a priest who would marry them even without the proper papers.554

The Church and the Shift in Armenfürsorge

Why did Heimatrecht come to play such an important role in communal

politics? Of the various types of legal recourse available to local officials, it was the

only one that fell outside the jurisdiction of the Catholic Church. Within every

commune in Upper Austria the Catholic parish priest, not the local authorities,

administered poor relief and kept watch over the local Armenkasse.555 The same priest

also maintained the parish registries — the official state registries for all Catholics —

entering each birth, baptism, marriage and death.556 In practice, this meant that if a

priest married two people without communal Ehekonsens, it was still a legal marriage

553
In the 1850s, local authorities were warned of people who “Mangel der nöthigen
Subsistenzmittel von ihren Heimatsbehörden den politischen Ehekonsens nicht erhalten können, ziehen
bettelnd nach Rom, um sich dort trauen zu lassen, wobei sie auch auf keine Schwierigkeiten stehen.” To
avoid these so-called Römerehen, authorities were asked to deny travel visas to poor single men and
women. K.K. Oberste Polizeibehörde to SHL, 1 February 1854. OöLA StPr, 5 E, Sch. 57.
554
Many priests either seemed oblivious to the regulations or consciousely ignored them. See, for
example, Bezirkshauptman Braunau to SHL, 15 May 1851. OöLA StAR, I B - VH 1, Sch. 44.
555
Until the late 1860s, poor relief within a given commune was distributed through
Pfarrarmeninstitute. A remnant of Josephinist legislation, these were established in various decrees
between 1782 and 1787. On the origin of the Pfarrarmeninstitute, see, Bernard, "Poverty and Poor
Relief in the Eighteenth Century." The 1849 Gemeindeordnung was at least partly directed at disrupting
the structure of Pfarrarmeninstitute by shifting the geographic boundaries of the communes and thus
creating incongruity between parish and commune borders (Pfarr- und Ortsgemeinde) and causing
small but significant questions of jurisdiction. The first piece of new legislation that required the
communes to care for their poor came in 1854, but it did not specify how poor relief should be
administered and thus tended to cause more problems than it solved. E. Friedmann et al., Das
österreichische Recht. Ein Hilfsbuch für praktische Juristen, Beamte, Gewerbetreibende, Kaufleute,
Haus- und Grundbesitzer usw., 4 vols., (Vienna, Berlin, Stuttgart and Leipzig, 1905), pp. 261-263;
Gumplowicz, Das österreichische Staatsrecht, pp. 613-630.
556
In Upper Austria, the Catholic Church administered poor relief to all confessions. The
registries, however, were kept separately by each confession.
 259

in the eyes of the state. Similarly, if a priest placed greater emphasis on helping the

Catholic rather than the Protestant or Jewish poor in a given commune, there was little

the local authorities could do about it. As part of the liberal reordering of the state after

1861, the new 1862 Gemeindeordnung and the 1863 Heimatgesetz aimed to take poor

relief away from the local priests and give it to the commune, or, more specifically, to

the Gemeindevorsteher. 557

Among the lower clergy, especially in the more populous urban parishes, this

change was greeted with a fair amount of enthusiasm. The Josephinist legislation,

while giving the Church an important role within the commune, also placed a large

administrative burden on the parish priests. The priest and not the commune became

ultimately responsible for deciding whom to recommend for poor relief (that is, money

and goods) and whom to board in one of the local poor houses. He then filled out the

appropriate paperwork and sent copies of each request made, granted, and denied to

the communal government. Priests had long complained of the bureaucratic burden

this placed on them. Thus while the bishops protested this measure in the Reichsrat

and in the Landtag, they did so none too loudly or adamantly.558 The provincial Diets

also dragged their feet, however, well aware of the bureaucratic burden it would then

pass on to local officials. Only after several communes issued lawsuits against their

parish priest in 1866, claiming he was misappropriating poor relief funds “zu Gunsten

konfessioneller Zwecke,” did the Landtag begin drafting comprehensive legislation in

557
Friedmann et al., Das österreichische Recht, p. 261.
558
Lehner, Caritas, p. 247.
 260

the matter.559 Although the Upper Austrian Landtag first debated a new law to

implement locally the changes in poor relief decreed in Vienna in 1863, the resulting

legislation was not passed until 1869.560

Shifting poor relief from the parish to the municipality had far-reaching

consequences. First, although relieved of a bureaucratic burden, priests lost an

important and direct bond with their poorest parishioners. While in most communities

the priest did become part of the Armenrat (poor relief council), he no longer

distributed the funds himself. Second, it is important to remember that priests

continued to collect money for a variety of causes, including for the poor in their

parish. As a result, it was the unemployed “informal residents” — those without a

Heimatberechtigung and thus ineligible for poor relief from the commune — who

increasingly turned to the Church. As a well meaning article in the Theologisch-

Praktische Quartalschrift chastised in 1879:

solche Leute sind aber doch Angehörige der katholischen

Pfarrgemeinde, wo sie wohnen und seit langem ihren Erwerb
gehabt haben … da der hungrige Magen auf Nahrung und das
kranke Kind auf Arznei nicht so lange warten kann, bis die
Aufenthaltsgemeinde mit der Zuständigkeitsgemeinde sich wegen

559
On the debate in the Landtag and the petitions from the Gemeinden of Gampern and Goisern in
1866, see: Doppelbauer, ed., Politische Reden, pp. 56-61, 126-173.
560
The Reichsrat law of 1862 required a local counterpart to take effect. Upper Austria was by no
means the only province that took its time. Lower Austria and Carinthia waited until 1870, and Styria
and Vorarlberg until 1873. Lehner, Caritas, p. 244.
 261

einer Aushilfe…ins Einvernehmen gesetzt hat.”561

Such arrangements were necessary because the commune where a person resided

under normal circumstance only provided poor relief after having been reimbursed by

the commune in which they held their Heimatberechtigung, a process prone to

bureaucratic wrangling and one that took far too long.

Individual Priests and Associations

The above shift in jurisdiction for poor relief is a good example of the slow shift

that began to take place within the Catholic Church. In the 1850s and 60s priests

mostly tended to fall back on their administrative duties, placing the problems faced

by a growing working class into the general rubric of Armenfürsorge. Those without

Heimatberechtigung could hardly be looked after in a material way and the main

emphasis was to look after the moral welfare of the poor. Indeed, the belief that piety

and moral righteousness would lead an emerging working class to accept its ‘proper’

place in society was the prime motivator for most Catholic thinkers before the mid

1860s. Then, in the late 1860s and 70s, at the very moment that migration within the

province began to take off, parish priests were relieved of their duties as

administrators of poor relief. On the one hand, this of course led many priests to lose

touch with the ‘actual’ workers, making the issue suddenly more abstract than real. On

the other hand, their continued role in ‘informal’ poor relief — i.e., distributing funds

561
Karl Dworzak, "Die kirchliche Armenpflege," Theologisch-Praktische Quartalschrift 32
(1879): pp. 582-583. As late as 1889 the Theologisch-Praktische Quartalschrift was still reminding its
readers that the May Laws of 1874 required a Catholic priest to administer all rites without
compensation, even to those without Heimatberechtigung in the local community. Pinzger,
"Pfarrgeistlichkeit."
 262

collected in Church to workers without a Heimatberechtigung — coupled with the

ever increasing numbers of ‘foreign’ poor, meant that priests in urban areas especially

began to feel overwhelmed by the ‘social problem’ in its everyday form.562

The first Catholic Arbeiterhilfsverein was founded in Linz around 1850.563 It

had between 800 and 900 members and was devoted to “Unterstützung der Arbeiter

bei unverschuldeten Krankheitsfällen.“ This number is all the more impressive when

we consider that in 1853 Linz had a total population of 31,000, of which at the time

only 1,500 could be called laborers.564 According to the statutes, the head of the

association had to be a priest and the initial importance that the diocese assigned to the

associations is evident by the priests it chose for the role: the association was first

headed by Jakob Reitshammer – the same priest who held up Fridolin von Jenny’s

funeral in Chapter Three – and then by Georg Arminger, both of whom in the early

1850s were promising young priests destined for higher office.565 The question of

membership was kept fairly open — “Handwerker, Gesellen, Taglöhner“ could all

join. Health — moral and hygienic — stood at the center of concern. The members,

562
The earliest accounts of the Christian labor movement in Upper Austria tend to do little more
than provide a chronology of events, see: Baron, Der Beginn. Die Anfänge der Arbeiterbildungsvereine
in Oberösterreich; Salzer, Christlichsoziale Beitrag; Wilhelm Salzer, Geschichte der Christlichen
Arbeiterbewegung Oberösterreichs, (Linz, 1963). Newer literature, mostly that of Helmut Konrad, has
tended to focus on the social history of the working class in which religious behavior is treated mostly
as an abberation. See, e.g., Konrad, Arbeiterklasse.
563
For membership figures, see, Katholische Blätter 15, 19 February 1853, p. 59. See also, Helmut
Konrad, "Religiöser und sozialer Protest: Die frühe österreichische Arbeiterbewegung und die
Religionsgemeinschaften," in Politik und Gesellschaft im alten und neuen Österreich: Festschrift
Rudolf Neck, ed. I. Ackerl, (Vienna, 1981); Wilhelm Salzer, Vom Untertan zum Staatsbürger:
Oberösterreich von 1848 bis 1918, (Linz, 1970), p. 148.
564
Salzer, Untertan, p. 148.
565
On Reitshammer and Arminger, see, Dannerbauer, General-Schematismus.
 263

dürfen keinen Siechthume oder unheilbare Leibesgebrechen

leiden … Ferners müssen sie einen sittlichen Lebenswandel
führen, und keine Leidenschaften haben, welche der Gesundheit
schädlich sein könnten“566

How clearly these rules were enforced we do not know, i.e., whether certain workers

were excluded outright or expelled after a “bad habit” came to light or a permanent

medical condition appeared. The association spent about 600 Fl. a year between 1850

and 1853, the years for which records exist, of which approximately two-thirds went

to support sick members and the other third to pay for funerals of dead members and

to make one-time payments to widows (these were usually minimal: about 10-20 Fl.,

or less than a month’s wage). Additionally, there was also a surplus of about 1,100 Fl.

in the coffers to cover a bad year.567 Soon after the appointment of Bishop Rudigier,

however, the Arbeiterhilfsverein disappeared. It is last mentioned in 1855,568 the year

of the cholera epidemic in Linz, suggesting that the association went under paying out

benefits to afflicted members and widowed spouses.

Whereas the concept of a more general Arbeiterhilfsverein was not tried again, a

Gesellenverein — an artisan or journeymen’s association —, based on the model

popularized by Adolf Kolping, was founded in 1852. The Gesellenvereine,

representing the idea of separated guilds and trades, masters and artisans, fit easily into

566
OöLA StPr 6 D 1, Sch. 156. Excerpts can also be found in, Konrad, "Religiöser und sozialer
Protest," pp. 211-212.
567
See the short articles in, Katholische Blätter, 19 February 1853, p. 59; 21 May 1853, p. 163; 22
October 1853, pp. 342-343; 25 January 1854, p. 16; and 16 September 1854, p. 311.
568
Mentions in 1855: Konrad, "Religiöser und sozialer Protest," p. 211; Meindl, Leben und
Wirken, vol. I, p. 432, vol. II, p. 647.
 264

the Catholic conceptions of an ‘organic’ society and quickly found acceptance within

the Catholic hierarchy. The initial proposal, first suggested at the all-German

Katholikentag held 1850 in Linz, stemmed from Michael Haßreidter, a nailsmith from

Ried. Haßreidter had heard Kolping speak at a previous Katholikentag and then visited

a few such associations in other parts of Germany. In May 1852, Kolping came to

Ried in Upper Austria to assist Haßreidter in founding the Linz Gesellenverein; he

also made an additional trip to Steyr, founding a second such association there as well.

In1853, the Baroness Schweiger-Lerchenfeld bestowed the Linz Gesellenverein a

clubhouse.569

The importance that the Church placed on the good moral conduct of workers

had important repercussions in terms of who received help and who did not. The

Church’s role in policing the moral conduct of workers (sittlichpolizeilichen

Aufgaben) was, like Armenfürsorge, a largely a remnant of Josephinism, though one

that continued to exert a strong influence well into the nineteenth century.570 In 1857,

for example, the Catholic Church opened the Marien-Anstalt, a hospice for female

servants who were either between jobs, recovering from illness, or too old for further

service. As the Katholische Blätter emphasized, it was not meant for everyone: only

servants “die ohne Schuld den Dienst verloren … haben” or those “welche treu und

redlich gedient haben, und nun dienstunfähig geworden sind,” were to be admitted. As

the article emphasized, “diese Anstalt soll keine Besserungs-Anstalt im eigentlichen

569
On the Kolping-associations in Linz, see, Kern, Oberösterreichischer Landesverlag, pp. 31-32;
Salzer, Christliche Arbeiterbewegung, p. 34; Slapnicka, Christlichsoziale, pp. 25-29.
570
Weinzierl, "Klerus und die Arbeiterschaft," p. 101.
 265

Sinne des Wortes seins, da nur brave, sich eines guten Rufes erfreuende Personen

aufgenommen werden.”571 In a second example from the 1850s, Rudigier, only

recently appointed bishop of Linz, intervened twice in the daily affairs of a spinning-

mill in Lambach, a growing industrial town southwest of Linz between Schwanenstadt

and Wels. In 1853 he demanded that unwed mothers be fired, lest their immoral

example infect other workers, and that laborers who work on Sundays and holidays be

punished for sacrilege. Four years later he complained that unwed workers were living

together and, in 1858, again remarked that workers in Lambach were “unsittlich” in

both their living arrangements and their failure to attend Sunday services.572

The Catholic Church and the Czechs

While the growth of the working classes thus seemed mostly an exercise in

moral hygiene, the case of Czech immigrant laborers provides an interesting

exception, albeit one that demonstrates the rule. Czech laborers began arriving in

larger numbers in the mid-1820s with the building of the Linz-Budweis (České

Budějovice) railroad and the Maximilian fortifications;573 a second wave arrived in

1849 with the formation of an Austrian Gendarmerie, which relied on ‘foreign’

571
“Die Marien-Anstalt in Linz!” Katholische Blätter 89, 7 November 1857, p. 388.
572
The files on bishop Rudigier and the working-class in the 1850s have been destroyed or lost,
though traces remain. See, e.g., the index of OöLA StPr 6 J H, Sch. 286, and, Winter, Revolution, pp.
84-85. There is also isolated evidence of priests who took individual initiatives to improve the lot of
their working-class parishioners. During an informal conference of priests in 1851, for example, one of
the items discussed concerned the importance of the spoken over the written word. As the debate then
turned to the importance of adapting the spoken word to “Lokalverhältnisse,” Mathias Hintringer, a
Kooperator in the Gallneukirchen, a small town just outside of Linz, stood up to explain he was doing
exactly that: he had opened an evening school for child laborers in his parish. DAL, CA/3, Fasz. 1/11,
Sch. 36.
573
On the fortification towers, see above, p. 32.
 266

officials in each province.574 As part of these efforts, Archduke Maximilian, a pious

man who also bequeathed the original test fortification tower on the Freinberg to the

Jesuits in 1837, hired a Czech-speaking priest in 1833 to hold services at “tower nr.

3.”575 Attendance grew and the services were soon moved to the Ursulinenkirche, a

prominent baroque Church that stood in the center of Linz. The initial priest was the

Bohemian born and Czech-speaking priest, Johann Maresch. As long as he remained

at his ‘real’ post — he was spiritual director at the seminary in Linz — the sermons

could continue.576 In 1852, however, Maresch moved to Hochburg, a small town close

to the Bavarian border. A short-term replacement was found, but he, too, left for

Innsbruck six months later and the Czech-speaking community in Linz was left

without a priest.

As the search for a successor began, it became apparent that the diocese

administration had done little in terms of planning for its Czech-speaking parishioners.

Whereas in the 1820s and 30s about twenty percent of any given seminary class had

been born in Bohemia, only one new Bohemian priest was initiated in Upper Austria

574
Slapnicka, Oberösterreich unter Kaiser Franz Joseph, p. 12.
575
On the issue of Czech religious services in Austria, see, Harry Slapnicka, "Linz, Oberösterreich
und die "Tschechische Frage,”" Historisches Jahrbuch der Stadt Linz (1977). Most documents relating
to the Czech services have been destroyed and the sources for Slapnicka’s article consist mostly of a
speech in the Upper Austrian Landtag that Doppelbauer gave in response to a pan-German initiative to
make German the sole language for use in parish registries and sermons in 1903. See the heated debate
between Doppelbauer and the nationalist delegate Carl Beurle in, Stenographische Protokolle des
oberösterreichischen Landtages, (Linz, 1861-1914), 11 November 1903, 1780-1990.
576
On Maresch, see, Dannerbauer, General-Schematismus, p. 636; Russinger, Ergänzungsband, p.
211.
 267

after 1842.577 After Maresch and his successor, a Jesuit priest named Thomas Matzura,

left, the diocese was unable to come up with another candidate. The Statthalterei took

up the case: It commissioned a report on Czech-speakers in Linz the surrounding area

and, with results in hand, began to prod the Bischöfliches Consistorium, which could

not find a suitable candidate and then began to get cold feet over financing an

additional priest. Might not the monasteries, either in Upper or Lower Austria, hold a

suitable candidate, inquired the Statthalterei. Might it not be possible to have the

priest’s salary come from the Bohemian Religionsfond rather than from that of Upper

Austria, since that is where the migrants are beheimatet, inquired the Bischöfliches

Consistorium in return, a suggestion that shows how deeply Heimatrecht was

ingrained in the heads of local officials. In the end, a salary of 200 Fl. was agreed

upon, all of it to come from the Upper Austrian Religionsfond. A suitable priest was

also found, a Capuchin friar from that order’s monastery in Linz.578 Yet a regular post,

a diocese priest for Czech affairs, so to speak, was never instituted. In 1853, the

seminary did try and began recruiting students from Bohemia, though with little

success. Not until the 1870s would Czech-speaking seminarians arrive with any

regularity.579

577
For statistics relating to the initiation of new priests in Upper Austria, see: Rettenbacher,
Priesterseminar.
578
This correpondence, which Slapnicka does not seem to have consulted, can be found in, OöLA
StPr, 11 C, Sch. 423; and, DAL CA/3 Fasz. 33/8 Schachtel 356, "Miscellanea, 1843-53, Hinweise auf
Vereine."
579
See Chapter Twoc, above, and, Rettenbacher, Priesterseminar.
 268

Catholic Thinking about the Social Question: the Early Years

The examples of failed associations, awkward individual endeavors, a fixation

with the moral unrighteousness of workers, and the bureaucratic and linguistic

problems associated with finding a bohemian priest point to the multifarious and, more

often than not, unorganized nature of Catholic social praxis in the 1840s and 50s. A

slow discursive shift, from Armenfürsorge to “solving the social problem,” began to

make itself felt in the 1860s. In the 1850s, working-class issues were mostly ignored

in the Catholic press.580 The 1856 Diözesanblatt581 did carry a short piece on child

labor practices in the factories. It called on priests, who had also become acting school

superintendents in each district by virtue of the 1855 Concordat, to take children out of

the factory, especially on Sundays and holidays, and bring them to school for

instruction.582 In 1857, a first article aimed at a broader audience appeared in the

Catholic associational journal Katholische Blätter. The article, “the Church and

Factories,” however, did not stem from an Upper Austrian priest, but was the reprint

of a pastoral letter issued by the Bohemian bishop Augustin Hille of Leitmeritz

(Litoměřice). Directed at the owners and managers of factories, Hille’s letter

emphasized the responsibility employers had in caring for the moral standing of their

employees: respect Sundays, permit and encourage prayer, and your workers will too,

580
The reports on the Arbeiterhilfsverein — short and reported under the rubric “associations” —
were the only exception. Lehner, Caritas, p. 162.
581
On the clerical press in Upper Austria, see pp. 79-86.
582
“Weisungen, die in Fabriken arbeitenden, schulpflichtigen Kinder, betreffend,” Diözesanblatt
25 Oktober 1856, p. 316.
 269

becoming better and more responsible laborers in the process.583 While Hille’s

pastoral letter is still grounded in the language of morality, it nevertheless marks the

first appearance of a more general Catholic Kapitalismuskritik in Upper Austria. By

focusing on the factory owners rather than the laborers, Hille’s pastoral letter

represented a departure from seeing the worker as solely responsible for his or her

own plight.

In a speech given a year later, Friedrich Baumgarten, a priest from Wels, also

attacked the moral failings of “Industrie,” by which he meant factory owners.

Speaking at the Upper Austrian meeting of the Katholikenvereine in 1858,

Baumgarten focused on the dehumanizing process of factory work: “Sie verheißt die

Durchbildung aller menschlichen Anlagen und macht den Arbeiter zum Knechte der

Maschine und zur Maschine selber.“ The way out of this dilemma, he argued, was to

bring employer and employee back into the Christian community together. Employers

could accomplish this by joining the Catholic associations en masse. Workers would

then follow their example and the factory workplace would thus ‘reenter’ a proper

‘organic’ social order — workers would respect their superiors and understand their

place in the social hierarchy; employers would rediscover their sense of social

conscience and act on ideals of Christian charity.584

583
“Die Kirche und die Fabriken.” Katholische Blätter 6, 5 February 1858, pp. 41-43.
584
Fridrich Baumgartner, “Vortrag bei der Generalversammlung des katholischen Centralvereins
in Linz am 16. Mai 1858.” Katholische Blätter 23, 4 June 1858, pp. 1-3.
 270

Lasalle and the 1863 Frankfurter Katholikentag

In the early 1860s, a third position began to emerge within the Catholic

discourse, one that emphasized neither the moral failings of the working class, nor the

need for Christian initiatives on the part of the factory owners and managers. Instead,

it blamed laissez-faire economics in general and focused on the state as the central

actor in redressing social evils through social legislation and disciplined factory

inspections. Within the Habsburg Monarchy, two developments laid the groundwork

for the shift: first, the Kaiserin Elisabeth West-Bahn connecting Vienna with Munich

finally opened in 1861, thereby joining Linz, Upper Austria and the Monarchy to the

rest of the European economy in a much more direct fashion. Trade increased, but so

did mobility, making the capitalist ‘world system’ seem both more efficient and

imminent. Second, a new Gewerbeordnung in 1859 freed the trades, ending the

centuries-old system of guilds and opening up the professions. The Catholic Church,

with its emphasis on an organic conception of society — a self-controlled social space

and hierarchy —, was very much set against this measure. Clerical publicists argued

that the system of trades and the guilds were the cornerstone of any social order and

their removal would inevitably lead to an amoral und un-Christian society.

Another turning point came at the 1863 Katholikentag in Frankfurt. Here, for

the first time, the social question – under the label “christliche Humanität” – was

placed at the top of the agenda and served for many Catholics as an introduction to the

topic. The setting was also important: in 1863 Ferdinand Lasalle gave a series of well-

attended lectures in the city. Several Catholic thinkers attended Lasalle’s lectures and

then traveled with him on to Mainz and Leipzig, the most prominent of whom was
 271

Wilhelm Emanuel von Ketteler, Bishop of Mainz and the leading Catholic thinker on

the social question in central Europe. The Catholic travelers were even present at the

founding of the allgemeiner deutscher Arbeiterverein in May of that year.585

As the Katholikentag commenced a few months later, it was Ketteler who gave

the ‘social question’ its privileged status. Ketteler had long concerned himself with the

‘social question’ but his initial call to action, at the first Katholikentag in Mainz in

1848, was left mostly unheeded. In 1848, Ketteler still was very much in the

mainstream of Catholic thinking: he focused on morality and personal responsibility,

arguing that the Arbeiterfrage — the ‘social question’ as such had not yet been

formulated — was above all a religious and moral question that had little to do with

the state, “denn der Staat, mag er Bestimmungen treffen, welche er will, hat dazu nicht

die Kraft.”586 Slowly, Ketteler began to change his views, especially after

encountering Lasalle, and by 1863 he had become the leading proponent of a new

path: any meaningful solution had to include the state — its authority and its

resources. It was in the aftermath of the 1863 Katholikentag that Ketteler wrote his

famous Die Arbeiterfrage und das Christentum,587 which, for Catholics, would remain

the central text on the subject for decades to come.

In response to the Katholikentag, an article appeared in Katholische Blätter,

showing that Kettler’s arguments were beginning to resonate in Upper Austria. There

585
Filthaut, Katholikentage, p. 47.
586
Filthaut, Katholikentage, p. 12. See, Wilhelm von von Ketteler, Die großen socialen Fragen
der Gegenwart: Sechs Predigten gehalten im hohen Dom zu Mainz, (Mainz, 1849).
587
Wilhelm Emmanuel von Ketteler, Die Arbeiterfrage und das Christenthum, (Mainz, 1864).
 272

had been three “eras” of labor, an author argued: the pagan era, in which slave labor

was the accepted norm — “Arbeit als Last”; the Christian era, where obligatory labor

became accepted — “Arbeit als Pflicht“; and, finally, the present secular age — “Der

Abfall vom Christenthum,” which had as its guiding principle free labor, “Freiheit als

Arbeit” — a product of the Gewerbefreiheit. The consequences of this shift, the author

goes on to argue, are the concentration of wealth in a few hands and pauperism for the

masses.588

Karl Reichhart and the Voice of Social Catholicism in Upper Austria

As the political conflict between liberals and clericals began to heat up in the

late 1860s, the social question also began to be addressed more frequently in the press.

Between 1868 and 1871, the Theologisch-Praktische Quartalschrift featured a series

of longer articles on the Arbeiterfrage, as did the Katholische Blätter. In contrast to

the few scattered polemical pieces in the early 1860s, these articles formulated a much

more coherent response to the social question, mainly came from the pen of one

author, Karl Reichhart. Reichhart was a Chorherr in St. Florian who had managed to

read his way through much of the available literature on the subject in the preceding

years. As his articles graced the pages of the Quartalschrift, the Katholische Blätter,

and the soon-to-be-launched clerical Linzer Volksblatt, he developed a tone that was

comparatively radical in its analysis of the condition of labor and the threat presented

588
“Zur Arbeiterfrage.” Katholische Blätter 83, 21 October 1863, pp. 1-2; “Zur Arbeiterfrage.”
Katholische Blätter 84, 24 October 1863, pp. 1-2.
 273

by liberal economics and the bourgeoisie.589 He squarely blamed the bourgeoisie for

its moral failings, called on the state for action, praised Lasalle, and even

recommended to his readers the “geradezu ausgezeichnetes Werk: ‘Das Capital’ von

Carl Marx.”590 And in his admiration for Marx, Reichhart was by no means alone

among Catholic priests. Bishop Ketteler supposedly took Das Kapital with him on the

train to read on the way to the first Vatican Council in 1870.591

Reichhart warned that the Church could not sit idly by as a new class of

workers became increasingly estranged from religion, morality, and all social ties:

Werden die Arbeiter auch noch in seelsorgerischer Beziehung

stiefmütterlich behandelt, dann darf man sich nicht wundern,
wenn die Sitten der Arbeiter nicht "besser" sondern, daß sie noch
nicht schlechter sind. Der Mensch ist eben im Großen und
Allgemeinen ein Produkt seiner Lage, und wer ganze Massen von
Menschen wirklich ändern will, muß zuvor die Bedingungen ihrer
Lage ändern, die sie eben zu dem machen, was sie sind.592

589
See, especially, the articles from 1869 in the ThPQ, 213-40, 281-319, 349-381.
590
Most of the articles are anonymous or signed with R. The articles seem to have also found a
larger audience, as they were later reprinted in a short brochure. Karl Reichhart, Zur Arbeiterfrage. Vier
zeitgemäße Aufsätze seperat abgedruckt aus der Linzer Theologisch-Praktischen Quartalschrift, (Linz,
1869). On the reference to Marx, see, Zinnhobler, "150 Jahre Theologisch-Praktische Quartalschrift," p.
217. The original is, Karl Reichhart, "Zur Arbeiterfrage," Theologisch-Praktische Quartalschrift 22
(1869): p. 215; Reichhart, Zur Arbeiterfrage. Vier zeitgemäße Aufsätze seperat abgedruckt aus der
Linzer Theologisch-Praktischen Quartalschrift.
591
Weinzierl, Päpstliche Autorität, p. 205.
592
“Zur Arbeiterfrage. Der Liberale Kalender und die soziale Frage.” Linzer Volksblatt 14 January
1871.
 274

The Church had an obligation to de-secularize the masses, to help them ‘re-enter’

religious space. To do this, it needed better organized parishes and a clergy that

understood what it was up against. The state also had a role,

nicht bloß … die oberen “Zehntausend” durch seine Gesetze,

Einrichtungen und Subventionen zu bedenken, sondern ganz
besonders zum Schutze des Schwachen gegen den Starken da [zu]
sei[n]…so daß durch die allmähliche Verwischung des
Gegensatzes zwischen Bourgeoisie und vierten Standes wieder ein
neuer Mittelstand entstünde.593

Reichhart called on the state to focus on regulating working hours, banning child

labor, and implementing strict factory inspections. His ideal of a new Mittelstand tried

to salvage the organic idea of social organization within the capitalist economy.

Reichhart’s articles show that the position of the Catholic Church in Upper Austria

had fundamentally shifted since the 1850s.

The shift in Catholic rhetoric was also reflected in the Linzer Volksblatt, which

began appearing in January 1869. In contrast to the Linzer Diözesanblatt or the

Theologisch-Praktische Quartalschrift, the Volksblatt was aimed at conservative

Catholics throughout Upper Austria. Through the Volksblatt, the conservative Catholic

press developed a polemical and political voice based on short editorials that mirrored

much of what liberals had been doing in ‘their’ paper, the Linzer Tages-Post, since

1865. From mid-January 1869 onwards, the Linzer Volksblatt brought a steady stream

of critique on the failings of the “liberalen Oeconomismus” in the best Lasallian vein.

593
Reichhart, "Zur Arbeiterfrage," pp. 218-219.
 275

Von nun an wird die soziale Frage nicht mehr so bald von der
Tagesordnung verschwinden und die künftigen parlamentarischen
Parteien werden sich weit mehr nach ihren sozialen als
politischen Grundsätzen herausbilden.594

Though penned anonymously, it is more than likely that Reichhart wrote these pieces.

One article begins, for example, with an evaluation of the new Konsum-Verein to be

opened in the industrial Linz suburb of Kleinmünchen, which, it concluded “helfen auf

Dauer gar nichts … weil in demselben Augenblicke, wo durch die Konsum-Vereine

die Lebensmittel anfangen billiger zu werden, auch in Folge…der Arbeitslohn um

eben so viel herabgedrückt wird.”595 Next, it explained the concept of “bourgeois” —

“die Besitzenden!”— arguing, “nur jenem Besitzenden welcher mit seinem großen

Vermögen, … — sein Kapital — auch noch als Bedingung hinstellen will, an der

Herrschaft über den Staat teilzunehmen.”596 The Arbeiter-Bildungsvereine, often

founded, as in Linz, with help from the local liberal club, were dismissed as

“Blitzableiter für die Bourgeoisie.”597 The Catholic press finally had a talented

publicist and an opportunity to use his skills soon presented itself.

594
“Zur Arbeiterfrage.” Linzer Volksblatt, 6 February 1869, p. 1. Cited in Salzer, Untertan, p. 134.
595
“Zur Arbeiterfrage.” Linzer Volksblatt, 16 January 1869, p. 1. The liberal Tages-Post
immediately countered: see, “Zur Arbeiterfrage.” Tages-Post, 19 January 1869, p. 1.
596
Reichard probably penned most of the articles. “Zur Arbeiterfrage.” Tages-Post 13, March
1869, p. 1. “Die Arbeiterfrage und die Tages-Post.” Linzer Volksblatt, 30 January 1869, pp. 1-2.
597
“Zur Arbeiterfrage. Arbeiter-Bildungsvereine.” Linzer Volksblatt 13 March 1869, p. 1. On the
founding of the Arbeiter-Bildungsverein in Linz, see, Konrad, Arbeiterklasse, pp. 406-414; Wimmer,
Liberalismus, pp. 89-94.
 276

Dr. Roser’s Social Legislation and the Catholic Press

In December 1868, Moritz Roser, a physician who had treated factory workers

in his native Bohemia and was now a liberal delegate in the Reichsrat, proposed three

new laws to better control working conditions in factories: first, to limit the workday

to ten hours, second, to prohibit child labor under the age of fourteen, and, third, to

force each factory to keep a record book of employees and hours worked as an initial

step, preparing the way for more thorough inspections. His fellow liberals greeted

Roser’s proposal with disdain and relegated it to a sub-committee dominated by

factory owners and large landowners. When it finally reappeared on the main floor a

few months later, it had been watered down and was never brought up for a vote.598

Reichhart and the Volksblatt used the Roser proposals make the social question

front-page news and each aspect of the laws was covered in a series of prominent

editorials.599 The Arbeiterfrage is not just a “Magenfrage, sondern ganz besonders

eine Culturfrage“ the Volksblatt argued,

eine Frage, von der es abhängt, ob der größte und noch bessere
Theil der christlichen Gesellschaft in die Zustände der alten
Sclaverei zurücksinken oder ein menschenwürdiges,
selbstständiges und maßgebenes Glied der menschlichen

598
The liberal sub-committee argued that state regulation of labor conditions would mean “eine
schwere Verletzung der individuellen Freiheit des mündigen Staatsbürgers.” For a full account of
Roser’s proposals and the reactions they prompted, see, Wilhelm Wadl, Liberalismus und soziale Frage
in Österreich: Deutschliberale Reaktionen und Einflüsse auf die frühe österreichische
Arbeiterbewegung (1867-1879), (Vienna, 1987), pp. 214-223, here 221.
599
See the series “Zur Arbeiterfrage. Dr. Rosers Antrag im Reichsrathe.” Linzer Volksblatt 6, p.
13; 27 February 1869, pp. 6, 13; 27 March 1869; and, 10 April 1869.
 277

Gesellschaft sein soll oder nicht.600

The pieces always began by explaining the proposals, followed by the liberal

opposition’s critique, and then the ‘true’ Catholic position on the matter; the fact that

Roser was also a liberal was never mentioned. The series included articles on the ten-

hour workday, child labor, women and the workplace, Arbeiter-Bildungsvereine, and

Koalitionsrecht. Like the other articles already mentioned, the “moralische

Entartung”601 of the working class was placed in the social and economic context of

liberalism: long workdays, child labor, women in the workforce, work on Sundays and

holidays – these were the natural consequences of laissez-faire economics, leading to

the moral degeneration of society. The state, the community, and the family were all at

risk. Factories and their owners, obviously unable to regulate themselves, were

making state inspections of factories a necessity.

In addition to such polemical pieces, the Volksblatt also introduced another

series aimed at migrant laborers and factory workers. Beginning in 1869, the paper ran

a regular feature to explain the complexities of Heimatrecht, Ehekonsens and other

legal questions especially relevant for workers. The first column, “Wann kann man

aus einer Gemeinde ausgewiesen werden,” for example, explained the legal distinction

between those living in a community without Heimatrecht and those merely traveling

through. The former, though not permanent residents with Heimatrecht, nevertheless

600
“Zur Arbeiterfrage. Dr. Rosers Antrag im Reichsrathe.” Linzer Volksblatt 6 February 1869, pp.
1-2.
601
“Zur Arbeiterfrage. Die Kinderarbeit in den Fabriken.” Linzer Volksblatt 27 February 1869, p.
1.
 278

enjoyed a series of legal rights that could prevent a community from arbitrarily

deporting them, an important distinction at a time when communities often used

Heimatrecht as a pretense for expelling the unemployed.602

Priests and the Working-class in the 1860s and 70s

How did the parish priest begin to respond to these changes? Did he try to raise

awareness of social inequalities in his diocese? Meet with factory owners? Found an

association? Was he at all aware of the changing discourse on the social question?

Views such as those of Reichhart and their dissemination were still rather wanting. A

glance at the curriculum of the diocese seminary for young priests-in-training in the

mid-1860s, for example, shows that for most priests, the ‘social question’ remained

one of poor relief and workers’ morality – a continuation of the Catholic theory on

Armenpflege.603 Markus Lehner, in his examination of the Church’s social work in

Upper Austria, finds a first mention of the ‘social question’ in Franz Pohl’s pastoral

theology textbook from 1862. However, the way in which Pohl treats the topic

suggests that he remained utterly unaware of the difference between the ‘social

question,’ the Arbeiterfrage and problems of ‘traditional poverty.’604 New textbooks

that appeared on pastoral theology in the 1860s and 70s were no different, treating the

602
“Wann kann man aus einer Gemeinde ausgewiesen werden?” Linzer Volksblatt 23 July 1869, p.
1. On Schubwesen, the aspect of Heimatrecht devoted to expelling unwanted informal residents, see,
Harald Wendelin, "Schub und Heimatrecht," in Grenze und Staat. Paßwesen, Staatsbürgerschaft,
Heimatrecht und Fremdengesetzgebung in der österreichischen Monarchie 1750-1867, ed. Waltraud
Heindl and Edith Saurer, (Vienna, 2000), pp. 231-283.
603
Lehner, Caritas, p. 162.
604
Lehner, Caritas, p. 162.
 279

social question as an outpost of öffentliche Armenpflege. The only exception was the

1871 Handbuch der Pastoral-Theologie by Ignaz Schüch, published in Linz, in which

Schüch focused not only on the factory worker, but also on “die Leiter solcher

Anstalten.“ Schüch, like Hille or Baumgarten in the late 1850s, emphasized the

importance of the relationship between the priest and the local factory owners. These

were to be coaxed so that,

die Geschlechter gesondert seien, daß die Kinder dem

Schulbesuche und der Christenlehre nicht entzogen werden, daß
an Sonn- und Feiertagen nicht gearbeitet und den Arbeitern Zeit
gelassen werde, dem Gottesdienst beizuwohnen und die heiligen
Sakramente zu empfangen.605

The ideas of Lasalle or even Ketteler were still remote, however. The textbook viewed

the Catholic Church, not the state, as the prime instigator in dealing with the social

question — the state is not mentioned at all — and the emphasis lay on the moral

behavior of the worker. Only the 1896 edition of the Schüch – thus published at the

beginning of Christian Social activism – contained an overhauled section on the social

question.606

Priests assigned to urban parishes or parishes with larger factories in their midst,

of course, ‘discovered’ the social question on their own. Especially priests in the

suburbs of Linz, the industrial town of Steyr, or in the salt mining districts of the

Salzkammergut in the mountainous southern part of the province could hardly avoid

605
Ignaz Schüch, Handbuch der Pastoral-Theologie, 2nd. ed., 2 vols., (Linz, 1871), pp. 507-508.
606
Lehner, Caritas, p. 162.
 280

the issue. Indeed, many priests were completely and utterly overwhelmed by the

growing mass of unemployed and underpaid workers residing within their parish. One

parish chronicle from Schönau, a small town just east of Linz, recounts the subtle

changes occurring in the parish.

Daß die Seelsorge in Schönau eine immer stärkere wird, hat sein
Grund in der bedeutenden Zunahme der Bevölkerung; diese
Zuhname findet hauptsächlich darin ihren Grund, weil seit
neuerer Zeit mehrere Bauernhäuser zerstückelt, und viele
Kleinhäusel gebaut wurden sind. Auch nehmen manche Bauern,
um ständig Dienstbothen nicht halten zu müßen, ja Wohnersleute
in ihre Häuser, geben denselben um billigen Zins eine Kammer,
und lassen den Zins im Taglohne abarbeiten. Es gibt soweit viele
Familien, viele Kinder aber verminderten Volkswohlstand.607

While some priests quickly asked for a reassignment,608 others sought to help. In the

annual meeting of the Upper Austrian Catholic associations in August of 1867, for

example, Johann Schürz, a priest from Neuhaus, a small town close to the Bavarian

border, proposed,

die katholische Generalversammlung wolle die Errichtung von

Häusern für Arbeiter besonders an größeren Fabriksorten, unter

607
My thanks to Johannes Ebner for bringing this source to my attention. Entry for 5 February
1882, Pfarrchronik Schönau i.M., DAL. According to official statistics, the legal population of Schönau
barely changed between 1869 and 1914, which meant that much of the parish chronicle’s observations
are based on short-term and seasonal laborers. Statistik Austria, Statistik Austria - Gemeindedaten.
Schönau im Mühlkreis (40619), 2001 [Online Database]. Statistik Austria, [cited 14 February 2004].
Available from <http://wwwold.statistik.gv.at/cgi-bin/db2www/blickgem/page1.d2w/report?GKZ
=40619>.
608
The above Pfarrchronik, for example, begins with the account of an older priest who was not
up to the task and asked for a reassignment.
 281

Leitung von weiblichen Orden und die Mittel zur Errichtung

derselben in Erwägung bringen,

which was passed unanimously, though nothing came of it.609 In 1870, Franz

Schlickenrieder, a priest in Sierning, a small town just outside Steyr, published a

pamphlet entitled Der moderne Liberalismus, die Arbeiter und die Kirche, which

critiqued laissez-faire capitalism with a healthy dose of anti-Semitism. Though no

other records on Schlickenrieder remain, the pamphlet mentions that he founded an

Arbeiter- und Gesellenverein in the town.610 In the mostly Protestant community of

Goisern in the Salzkammergut, three priests were involved in founding a Catholic

Arbeiter-Konsumverein. 611 Indeed, by 1873 a total of fifty-one working-class

associations were listed in the official registry for Upper Austria, over half of which

were Catholic. But — and this is an important distinction — these were almost all

officially classed as Gesellenvereine, usually based in small, rural communities and

dependent on the personal initiative of a dedicated priest.612 As soon as the priest lost

interest or moved to another parish, antagonisms developed between the workers and

the new priest and the a38ssociation tended to wither.

The first Catholic workers’ association founded by priests and aimed

specifically at factory employees arose 1875 in Steyr. The city was the logical choice:

it was a one-industry town dominated by Josef Werndl’s weapons factory, and Werndl

609
Verhandlungen der fünfzehnten Provinzial Versammlung der katholischen Vereine im Bisthume
zu Linz am 20. und 21. August 1867, (Linz, 1867), p. 11.
610
Franz Schlickenrieder, Der moderne Liberalismus, die Arbeiter und die Kirche, (Linz, 1870).
611
Salzer, Christliche Arbeiterbewegung, pp. 36-38.
612
Konrad, Arbeiterklasse, p. 168.
 282

was a devout Catholic who early on began to make an effort at turning his factory into

a ‘proper’ Catholic workplace – at least when there were no large orders pending.613

Though employment at the factory often fluctuated wildly Werndl’s factory did

employ a core set of workers.614 These core employees, usually older, married and

living in special factory-built housing, were for the most part unwaveringly loyal to

Werndl, creating an inherent tension between them and the permanent influx of

newcomers hired for and then let go after the completion of a large contract to make

arms. Such tensions, coupled with the official Catholic ideology laid out by the

employer, made a potent backdrop for socialist working-class activism. Indeed, Steyr

saw working-class activism much earlier than other towns in the province and, as

already discussed in Chapter Five, such activism also had distinct anti-Catholic

undertones when workers joined the Old Catholic movement in the early 1870s.615

The new Catholic working-class association was supposed to help nip these

problems in the bud, returning workers “to the fold.” Indeed, initially it seems to have

had some success – at least judging from the opposition the association faced from the

liberal town administration. Within three weeks of its founding, the mayor of Steyr

attempted to use the pretext of a missing permit to disband the association and there

followed several more attempts to disband the association and limit its growth by the

613
Article 16 of the Fabrikordnung ordered all workers to appear at work on Sundays or holidays
if need be. Taken from the 1871 Fabriksordnung. Cited in, Pfaffenwimmer, "Österreichische
Waffenfabriks-Aktiengesellschaft,” p. 242.
614
See p. 38, above.
615
On labor unrest in Steyr and Upper Austria, see, Konrad, Arbeiterklasse, pp. 110-118. He was
strict in separating business and religion. Article 13 of the Fabriksordnung forbade agitation of any sort
in the factory, political or religious, which was undoubtedly aimed at the growth of the Old Catholic
movement there. Pfaffenwimmer, "Österreichische Waffenfabriks-Aktiengesellschaft,” p. 242.
 283

municipality.616 But the association also developed its own internal problems. By1878,

none of the association’s original board members remained, though whether this stems

from the high rate of turnaround within the factory itself or from political infighting is

difficult to say, though considering that it was probably the long-term workers at the

factory who helped found the association, one would tend to assume the latter.617

Furthermore, latent antagonism between the Catholic Church and the workers at the

factory also came to bear on association’s appeal. In November 1878, for example, a

women was attacked and killed on the road between Steyr and the nearby village of

Sierning. As the Linzer Volksblatt reported the story, a factory worker had confessed

to the crime, adding that such behavior was merely par for the course in a factory

where the management ignores Sunday as a day of rest and workers choose to spend

their free time drinking rather than going to church. A group of workers, outraged by

the accusations, shot back: no one had confessed to the crime and all the suspects in

custody were unemployed vagabonds, not factory workers.618 And as for Sundays: that

workers chose not to go to church had little to do with the factory management; it was

the fault of the Catholic Church. Priests, they argued, had become too political; the

topics they covered in the average sermon were better discussed in a pub.619

616
Relations between the municipality and the workers had never been all that good.
Pfaffenwimmer, "Österreichische Waffenfabriks-Aktiengesellschaft,” p. 192; Slapnicka,
Christlichsoziale, p. 102.
617
Konrad, Arbeiterklasse, pp. 382-383.
618
No mention is made, however, of whether the “vagabonds” might have been ex-factory
workers.
619
The various incidents date from 1876-78. Correspondence and newspaper articles can be found
in, Pfaffenwimmer, "Österreichische Waffenfabriks-Aktiengesellschaft,” pp. 192-193.
 284

Aeterni Patris and the years before Rerum Novarum

In his 1879 encyclical Aeterni Patris, Pope Leo XIII called on Catholics to

“restore the golden wisdom of St. Thomas, and to spread it far and wide for the

defense and beauty of the Catholic faith, for the good of society, and for the advantage

of all the sciences.”620 As in most other dioceses, Aeterni Patris quickly made inroads

in Upper Austria621 and in the 1880s, Catholic thinkers began turning to Aquinas’

writings, especially his ideas on property, when addressing the social question.

Aquinas argued that while God has possession over all things, man possesses a right to

use things – a “natural control over external things.” But Aquinas was careful in how

he defined these terms. “Man,” he continued “should not hold external things for his

own use but for the common benefit, so that each one should readily share material

things with others in their need.” To many younger and more radical priests, such

words sounded like a call to arms. Indeed, some of Aquinas’ writings went even

further, arguing, “if…there is such urgent and obvious need that there is clearly an

immediate emergency for sustenance…then he may legitimately take from another

620
Pope Leo XIII, Aeterni Patris: Encyclical of Pope Leo XIII on the Restoration of Christian
Philosophy, 1879 [Web Page]. The Vatican, [cited January 25 2004]. Available from
<http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/leo_xiii/encyclicals/documents/hf_l-xiii_enc_04081879_aeterni-
patris_en.html>. On the development of neo-thomism, also called neo-scholasticism, see, McCool,
Catholic Theology in the Nineteenth Century; Gerald A. McCool, The Neo-Thomists, (Milwaukee,
1994).
621
See, for example, Martin Fuchs’ book on the encyclical, which appeared in two editions in
quick succession in 1880 and 1881. Fuchs, Reflexionen zur Encyklica Aeterni Patris. Über die
Wiedereinführung der christlichen Philosophy in die kathol. Schulen nach dem Sinne des englischen
Lehrers der hl. Thomas v. Aquin. Also see the uproar which the critique of the book provoked,
Salzburger Kirchenblatt 20, nr. 4 (1880), pp. 30-31; and, Salzburger Kirchenblatt 20, nr. 5 (1880), pp.
38-39.
 285

person's goods what he needs, either openly or secretly. Nor is this, strictly speaking,

fraud or robbery.”622

In the 1880s, Catholic social thinkers began trying to integrate Aquinas with the

theories of Lasalle and Ketteler. In 1886, a series of articles on “Die sociale

Bedeutung der katholischen Kirche” in the Linzer Volksblatt, argued that although

“Eigenthum ist berechtigt, es ist Sünde, dasselbe bei seinem Mitmenschen zu

beschädigen,“ adding that, “Gebrauch und Benutzung desselben...nicht dem freien

Willen des Menschen überlassen [ist].”623 Only through the Catholic Church could

capital become socially responsible and only through the Church could the factory

worker’s place in society find a proper dignity. “Die Kirche allein hat die Arbeit zu

Ehren gebracht… die Kirche allein vermag den Arbeiter in dieser Stimmung zu

erhalten.”624 The Theologisch-Praktische Quartalschrift also began featuring similar

pieces, especially a series of articles by Frank Kuefstein, a close associate of Karl von

Vogelsang in Vienna and one of the leading thinkers in the Christian Social

movement.625

622
Summa Theologia, II-II q. 66, 1,2 and 6. Cited in Mary T. Clark, ed., An Aquinas Reader, (New
York, 1999), pp. 382-384. On Aquinas and the Catholic working class see the excellent, Eric Dorn
Brose, Christian Labor and the Politics of Frustration in Imperial Germany, (Washington, D.C., 1985),
chpt. 1.
623
“Die Soziale Bedeutung der katholischen Kirche,” Linzer Volksblatt, 6 August 1886, p. 1.
624
“Die Soziale Bedeutung der katholischen Kirche,” Linzer Volksblatt, 7 August 1886, p. 1.
625
See, Franz von Kuefstein, "Der Capitalismus?," Theologisch-Praktische Quartalschrift 34
(1881); Franz von Kuefstein, "Der Zins - wirtschaftlich und moralisch beurtheilt," Theologisch-
Praktische Quartalschrift 35 (1882); Franz von Kuefstein, "Was ist Capitalismus?," Theologisch-
Praktische Quartalschrift 34 (1881); Franz von Kuefstein, "Welches System kann und wird schließlich
den absterbenden Capitalismus ersetzen?," Theologisch-Praktische Quartalschrift 35 (1882); Franz von
Kuefstein, "Wirkungen des Capitalismus?," Theologisch-Praktische Quartalschrift 34 (1881). On
Vogelsang and his circle, see, Diamant, Austrian Catholics. With the rise in Christian Social authors
also came an increase in anti-Semitism in the journal, especially with the addition of Josef Scheicher
 286

By the late 1880s, the first more concrete proposals for priests dealing with the

working class began to appear in the press. An 1889 article by Anton Pinzger, for

example, highlighted not only the importance of founding associations for the

working-class, but also issued instructions about how this should be done.

Organisation: 1. Für Erwachsene und jugendliche Arbeiter (bis

zu 18 Jahren) sind in der Regel getrennte Vereine zu errichten; 2.
an der Spitze des Vereins steht ein von der kirchlichen Behörde
delegierter Geistlicher. Demselben steht in der Regel ein aus den
Ehrenmitgliedern gebildeter „Schutzvorstand“ (Ehrenrath) und
ein engerer Vorstand zur Seite.

Zwecke: Zwecke des Vereins sind Schutz und Förderung der

Religiosität und Sittlichkeit in festem Anschluß an die Kirche;
Förderung der Standestugenden: Fleiß, Treue, Nüchternheit,
Sparsamkeit, Familiensinn, Hebung des Standesbewusstseins;
Pflege der Kameradschaft und veredelnder Unterhaltung;
Förderung der geistigen und gewerblichen Bildung; die Politik ist
ausgeschlossen.626

Here, for the first time in Upper Austria, are relatively detailed instructions for priests

on how to go about setting up associations for the working class. Important to note,

however, is the express instruction that the association should not become a political

and August Rohling to the roster of regular contributors, though the latter wrote only book reviews and
was dropped from the roster as his infamous Talmud trial began. On Rohling and Scheicher, see, Dirk
van Arkel, "Antisemitism in Austria" (Ph.D. Dissertation, University of Leiden, 1966), pp. 6-7; Klaus
Lohrmann, 1000 Jahre österreichisches Judentum, (Eisenstadt, 1982), pp. 396-397.
626
Anton Pinzger, "Grundzüge für die Organisation katholischer Arbeiter-Vereine," Theologisch-
Praktische Quartalschrift 42 (1889).
 287

platform, which was to remain the mainstay of Catholic working-class associations

until Rerum Novarum.

Pinzger’s recommendations came in reaction to the crucial but often overlooked

encyclical by Pope Leo XIII, Humanum Genus from April 1884. Ostensibly about

freemasonry, it also included a section on “the associations of guilds of workmen, for

the protection, under the guidance of religion, both of their temporal interests and of

their morality.”627 Though a far cry from the more explicit language of the later Rerum

Novarum, some Catholics began to use its language as a basis for action in the social

question. The German Katholikentage held in Amberg in 1884 and in Münster a year

later built on Humanum Genus, transforming its ideas into concrete proposals for

action.628 The encyclical was a significant step forward, and was taken as such by

many Catholic social activists in the nineteenth century, but it was not nearly enough.

The Encyclical Rerum Novarum

It took a dramatic gesture ‘from the top’ to jump-start working-class activism:

Pope Leo XIII’s 1891 encyclical Rerum Novarum. In the encyclical, Leo XIII and his

advisors performed a careful balancing act, integrating the teachings of Aquinas into

contemporary strands of thinking on the social question.629 In this regard, Thomistic

627
Pope Leo XIII, Humanum Genus. Encyclical of Pope Leo XIII on Freemasonry, 1884 [Web
Page]. The Vatican, [cited 12 March 2003]. Available from <http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/
leo_xiii/encyclicals/documents/hf_l-xiii_enc_18840420_humanum-genus_en.html>.
628
Filthaut, Katholikentage, pp. 92-99.
629
Though the Vogelsang school and Austrian Catholic thinkers undoubtedly played a role in
preparing the intellectual context of the encyclical, they had little to do with its actual preparation in the
Vatican. See, Diamant, Austrian Catholics; Franz von Kuefstein, Vorgeschichte der Enzyklia Rerum
 288

philosophy provided two important models: the first — and this was similar to much

Catholic thinking in the nineteenth century on the social question — had to do with

envisioning an organic social order. “It must be… recognized” the encyclical argued,

that the condition of things inherent in human affairs must be

borne with, for it is impossible to reduce civil society to one dead
level. Socialists may in that intent do their utmost, but all striving
against nature is in vain. There naturally exist among mankind
manifold differences of the most important kind; people differ in
capacity, skill, health, strength; and unequal fortune is a
necessary result of unequal condition.630

The idea of an organic order paved the way for the second, more controversial aspect

of the encyclical: the emphasis on the mutual obligations of capital and labor, which

was a very carefully worded reiteration of Aquinas’ ‘conditional’ recommendations on

private property. To forestall any fear of an incorrect interpretation, the encyclical first

came down decidedly on the side of private property.

Private ownership, as we have seen, is the natural right of man,

… ‘It is lawful,’ says St. Thomas Aquinas, ‘for a man to hold
private property; and it is also necessary for the carrying on of
human existence.’

Novarum vom 15. Mai 1891, (St. Pölten, 1916); Paul Misner, "The Predecessors of Rerum Novarum
within Catholicism," Review of Social Economy 49 (1991).
630
Pope Leo XIII, Rerum Novarum. Encyclical of Pope Leo XIII on Capital and Labor, 1891
[Web Page]. The Vatican, [cited 25 January 2004]. Available from <http://www.vatican.va/holy_father/
leo_xiii/encyclicals/documents/hf_l-xiii_enc_15051891_rerum-novarum_en.html>.
 289

Importantly, however, the encyclical decidedly came out against the idea of ownership

for ownership’s sake as an inherent right of man.

It is one thing to have a right to the possession of money and

another to have a right to use money as one wills … if the
question be asked: How must one's possessions be used? — the
Church replies without hesitation in the words of the same holy
Doctor: ‘Man should not consider his material possessions as his
own, but as common to all.’

In this manner, the encyclical sought to emphasize the social obligations of wealth

without unduly hindering concepts of private property.

The rest of the encyclical officially sanctioned a number of measures that had

already found favor among Catholic social reformers, but had largely remained

without support from the hierarchy: An emphasis on state intervention, especially in

the form of factory inspections (“Justice… demands that the interests of the working-

classes should be carefully watched over by the administration”); a ban on Sunday

labor; a call for higher wages; and, most importantly, outright support for

‘workingman’s unions.’ Importantly, Leo XIII also added a powerful section

reprimanding bishops’ failings, demanding that they “bestow their ready goodwill and

support” on these efforts. And although the encyclical stopped short of recommending

that priests and associations engage in political action on the part of the working class,

unlike Humanum Genus it also did not expressly forbid it.

 290

Reception of the Encyclical in Upper Austria

Seen internationally, the initial response to the encyclical was mixed at best.

Socialists and left-wing intellectuals were highly skeptical of its intentions, while

many liberals and entrepreneurs showed a deep disdain for the passages that sought to

mediate economic activity and seemed to call into question the liberal ideals of

freedom and private property.631 Even among the Catholic clergy, reactions were

mixed. While the social reformers were, of course, overjoyed, many in the upper ranks

of the hierarchy were exasperated that the Pope had seemingly gone ‘over their heads’

in a direct appeal to the lower clergy and activist laity.

Bishop Doppelbauer in Linz certainly fell into the latter camp. The text of the

encyclical was published in the Diözesanblatt in a timely manner within the diocese, a

month after it saw publication in Rome; but, unlike other encyclicals, it was

reproduced without additional commentary by the bishop.632 These comments only

came six months later in an article in which Doppelbauer sought to clarify and

emphasize the main points of the encyclical for his clergy: “Irrthümer widerlegen, mit

welchen ‘die socialistische Partei’ das Volk zu vergiften sucht.“ Although he did

briefly mention some of the ‘other’ points in the encyclical, the bishop, taking his cue

631
A detailed comparative study of the reception of Rerum Novarum would be a welcome addition
to the historiography. For some isolated examples, see, Winfried Becker, "Die Zentrumspartei und die
Enzyklika Rerum Novarum: Zur Wirkungsgeschichte der Sozialenzyklika auf dem politischen
Katholizismus in Deutschland," Rheinische Vierteljahrsblatter 56 (1992); Frank J. Coppa, The Modern
Papacy since 1789, (London and New York, 1998), pp. 103-111; Adrien Dansette, Religious History of
Modern France, vol. II: Under the Third Republic, (Edinburgh, 1961), pp. 124-130; Peter G. J. Pulzer,
The Rise of Political Anti-Semitism in Germany and Austria, (New York, 1964), p. 279; Robert Rill,
"Die spanische Arbeiterwallfahrt nach Rom von 1894 und die politischen Folgen," Mitteilungen des
Instituts für Österreichische Geschichtsforschung 103 (1995).
632
“Encyklia des heil. Vaters Leo XIII. Vom 20. Juni 1891 über die ‘Arbeiterfrage.’” Linzer
Diözesanblatt 37 (1891), 131
 291

from Rudigier in the 1870s, above all emphasized the need for a stronger Catholic

press to combat the errors of socialism. Second came a plea for the clergy to support

existing Catholic associations and to found charitable institutions such as poor houses

and hospices. Capitalists were not mentioned at all, nor did the bishop foresee a role

for priestly activism or for working-class associations. Indeed, social reform as a goal

was not mentioned at all. Far from encouraging the political involvement of the clergy

on behalf of the working classes, Doppelbauer called on priests to foster “Sparsamkeit

und Nüchternheit” among the working classes.633 The emphasis on morality and

frugality marked Doppelbauer as a man of a decidedly earlier era. Among Austrian

bishops, however, he was by no means alone in his opinion.634

The 1892 Pastoralkonferenzen

Yet, a bishop does not his diocese make. While Doppelbauer was plainly

irritated by the encyclical’s social message and tried to change the subject, this tells us

little about how priests in general received its message. How did the lower clergy

react? Did priests read the text? Did they subscribe to the same notions as their

bishop? Two events that took place in Upper Austria in 1892 allow us a closer view of

how theory and practice slowly shifted in the encyclical’s wake among the lower

clergy. The first consisted of several Pastoralkonferenz held in April and November of

633
Franz Maria Doppelbauer, “Mittwirkung des Clerus zur Lösung der socialen Frage.” Linzer
Diözesanblatt 38 (1892), 1-4.
634
On this point, see, Gerhard Silberbauer, Österreichs Katholiken und die Arbeiterfrage, (Graz,
1966), pp. 123-124.
 292

1892; the second was the 1892 Austrian Katholikentag, held in Linz in early August of

the same year.

Both Pastoralkonferenzen focused on the same question:

Was versteht man unter der socialen Frage? Welches sind die
Ursachen derselben? Würden die Grundsätze der
Socialdemokratie die Frage zu einer glücklichen Lösung bringen?
Welche Faktoren müssen zusammenwirken und welche materielle
und moralische Mittel müssen angewendet werden zu einer
glücklichen Lösung der sozialen Frage?635

Of the written responses each priest in the diocese had to submit, only five have

survived — four from the April conference and one from November.636 Though these

vary greatly in their length and depth, they offer several commonalities: first, all

mention the increasing secularization of society, both among workers and factory

owners, as the cause of the social problem. All five priests, however, do not mention it

as the first or primary reason — indeed, one of the writers only hastily added it in a

later section rather than directly under “causes.” All responses except one, surprisingly

enough, do not mention Pope Leo XIII or Rerum Novarum. While some of the priests

have obviously read it or at least been exposed to its ideas, for others even this seems

questionable; certainly none of the five seems to have studied it at length. Yet while

the lower clergy seem to be ignorant of their pope’s writings on the matter, they

certainly had read those of their bishop. All of the responses emphasize combating the

635
“Themata für die Zwei Pastoral-Conferenzen des Jahres 1892.” Linzer Diözesanblatt 38 (1892),
p. 38.
636
The surviving essays can be found in, DAL CA/7 Fasz. 1/11a, Sch. 12.
 293

godless socialists and building a more effective Catholic press — i.e., reiterating

Doppelbauer’s article from January of that year — as the most pressing aspects of the

‘social question.’

Just as apparent is that the priests have been reading Christian Social works

from Vienna. The corporatist ideals of Vogelsang and his circle weave their way

through all the essays. Each imagines an ideal, organically structured society — a

golden age —, that was presided over by the medieval Catholic Church: “Daß die

Kirche die Kraft zur Lösung dieser Frage besitzt … zeigte sie im ganzen Mittelalter,“

wrote one priest. “Das Mittelalter war das goldenen Zeitalter der Handwerker -- es

war die Zeit der Gilden und Zünfte, die unsere Zeit in anderen Formen wieder zu

Ehren zu bringen sucht,” wrote another, adding, “seitdem die kirchliche Revolution

des 16. Jh. den grossen Abfall der Voelker von der katholischen Wahrheit zu Wage

gebracht … folgte rasch der Absturz im Naturdienst und völlige Religionslosigkeit.“ A

third added that the working class is merely the “jüngste der besonderen

Gesellschaftsstände…losgelöst aus dem organischen Verbande.” And, finally, the

fourth wrote:

Wäre die Erfindung der Maschine in die Zeit der mittelalterlichen

Zünfte und Corporationen gefallen, so wäre auch das Recht,
Fabriken zu bauen immer einzig der Corporatie zugefallen, deren
Produkte die Fabrik erzeugt hätte. Die Arbeit wäre nicht bloß ein
gewöhnliches sondern auch ein sociales Gut gewesen.637

637
The first quote is from Josef Huemer, Kooperator in the Vorstadtpfarre of industrial Steyr; the
second quote comes Franz Xavier Wolf, Amtsbenefizpriester from Obertraun, a small town close to
 294

Rather surprisingly, there is no reference to practical experience in dealing with

working-class parishioners in any of the texts, even though all the priests whose

responses have survived came from parishes that would have confronted these issues

on a daily basis. One response comes from Gmunden, not a classically working-class

town, but one with a strong tradition of artisan social activism (the first Kolping-style

association in Upper Austria was founded here); another from Steyr, a town dominated

by the already mentioned weapons factory and home to Upper Austria’s first Catholic

working-class association; and yet another from Obertraun, a small town close to

Hallstatt and deep in the salt mining region of the Salzkammergut, and a traditional

hotbed of labor unrest, often with strong religious undertones.

While the responses show similarities in their worldview and a lack of practical

experience, there are also important differences in their final analysis. The responses

range from carbon copies of Doppelbauer’s communiqué — socialism is atheism and

a better Catholic press is the key to the social question — with hardly a mention of the

working-class, to more detailed and thoughtful responses that try to place the growth

of the working-class in a larger perspective, calling for a better system of associations

and increased state intervention. The contrasting responses suggest that there was no

organized response to the social question in Upper Austria. When the question was

repeated in the fall of the year, the one response we have from this second event

suggests that a great deal had happened in the meantime. In contrast with the above

Hallstadt — thus in the salt mining alpine region of Upper Austria; the third from Johann Schmid,
Pfarrer in Gosen (Gmunden); the final quote is from Johann Andlinger, Kooperator in Gmunden and
was written for the Pastoralkonferenz in November 1892. The others stem from the April conference of
the same year.
 295

responses, this last respondent, a Kooperator from Gmunden, is much more articulate

and detailed in describing both the causes of and the possible remedies for the social

question. He makes use of detailed citations from Rerum Novarum as well as other

texts, including the German Social Democratic Gotha Program of 1875. What had

happened in the interim?

1892 Katholikentag

It is the second event of 1892, the Austrian Katholikentag, held in Linz in

August of that year and spaced evenly between the two Pastoralkonferenzen, which

allows us to see how Upper Austria’s clergy took on a different sense of the ‘social

question.’638 Coverage in the press began weeks prior to the event itself and

attendance, especially among the clergy, was high. Figures from the liberal Tages-Post

— in this case probably more accurate than its Catholic counterpart — indicate that

over 2,000 people attended the opening festivities alone.639 The 1892 Katholikentag

was only the third to be held in Cisleithania since the event split from its German

counterpart in 1867. The previous two, in 1877 and 1889, had both taken place in

Vienna and, in the aftermath of Rerum Novarum and the emphasis on the social

question, the decision to move away from Vienna represented not just a desire for

geographical variation, but also a conscious effort on the part of the Austrian hierarchy

to lessen the influence of the Viennese Christian Social movement. In 1889, Christian

638
The only secondary work on the Austrian Katholikentage is the rather partisan but thorough
dissertation of Celerin, "österreichische Katholikentage".
639
Linzer Tages-Post 10 August 1892, p. 2; “Der Kampf um die Macht,” Linzer Tages-Post 13
August 1892, p. 1.
 296

Social speakers such as Prince Alois von Liechtenstein, another member of the

Vogelsang circle, and the later Christian Social mayor of Vienna, Karl Lueger,

overshadowed the debate. The Austrian Catholic hierarchy remained very much at

odds with the movement.

The 1892 Katholikentag was thus supposed to be a thoroughly different animal:

tightly planned by the hierarchy in its message, the goal was to hold Christian Social

thought in check. It was supposed to rekindle the solidarity all Catholics felt during

those ‘golden days’ — the late 1860s and early 1870s — when all seemed united in

their stance against liberalism. As the opening speaker, Count Anton von Pergen, said

when explaining why Linz was chosen to host the Katholikentag: “das, meine Herren,

sagt das eine Wort: Rudigier,“ to which the delegates responded with prolonged

applause.640 Rudigier’s struggle — his unrelenting stance against liberalism and his

arrest by the state — symbolized Catholic unity. To those Catholics in 1892 old

enough to remember those days gone by, Rudigier represented a lost sense of

solidarity no longer felt among Catholics. The conflict with liberalism and over the

May Laws had long since petered out, and the ‘social question’ only seemed to create

divisions within the movement: between the Christian Socials and conservatives;

between the upper and lower clergy; between Vienna and the provinces. The

organizers sought to defuse the ‘social question’ by (re-)placing it within the confines

of the conflict between the Catholic Church and the state. As the president of the

Katholikentag, the conservative Reichsrat delegate Count Ernst Sylva-Taronca,

640
III. Katholikentag, p. 38. Also see, Tages-Post, 8 Oktober 1892, p. 2.
 297

emphasized in his opening address, “dass für die Katholiken die Religion nicht

Privatsache ist, am allerwenigsten Privatsache für die in Österreich, wo die Religion

eine Existenzfrage, eine Frage der Macht, … eine Frage des ernsten und wichtigsten

öffentlichen Interesses ist.”641 In this manner, they hoped to reintegrate the Christian

Social movement into the Catholic hierarchy.

In effect, the goal was (internal) de-politicization through (external) re-

politicization. In July 1892, Alfred Ebenhoch, head of the planning committee and a

prominent Upper Austrian Catholic-conservative politician, emphasized that although

the ‘social question’ would be front and center, the event “wird keine politische

Parteiversammlung sein. Er ist nicht die Sache eines Clubs oder einer Fraction des

Abgeordnetenhauses.”642 The strategy was to give the keynote speeches on the ‘social

question’ to Catholic-conservatives, while relegating other Christian Social speakers

to smaller sub-panels and excluding the most popular speakers outright. Liechtenstein,

who had written articles for the Theologisch-Praktische Quartalschrift in the 1880s,

was the only leading figure in the movement to give a keynote speech, and he was

asked to explain the similarities between his own movement and that of the Catholic-

conservatives, an awkward exercise in party discipline. Lueger, one of the most

prominent speakers in 1889, was not even in attendance. Albert Gessmann, a further

Christian Social Reichsrat member, attended but was not allowed to speak. Adam

Latschker, founder of the Christlichsozialer Verein in Vienna, was relegated to a

641
III. Katholikentag, p. 42.
642
“Dritter allgemeiner österreichischer Katholikentag in Linz,” Linzer Volksblatt 24 July 1892, p.
1.
 298

subcommittee on practical strategies in founding workers’ and artisans’ associations.

Similarly, Franz Martin Schindler, a priest and professor of moral theology in Vienna

and leading Christian Social, gave a talk on the importance of Sonntagsruhe.643

The strategy failed. Liechtenstein’s speech, a resounding success, was an

exercise in subtle, tongue-in-cheek formulations, in which he criticized the

unwillingness of conservatives to find common ground. Meanwhile, the sub-

committee panels hosted by Christian Socials proved to be among the most popular for

the lower clergy. Giving the keynote speech on the social question to a Catholic

conservative also proved problematic. The main speech was held by the president of

the Katholikentag, Sylva-Taronca, who was not all that well known, nor a great orator,

nor much of an expert on the social question.644 His speech was a rather dismal affair,

unfocused and mostly uninspiring. He began by stating, “mein Thema ist sehr ernst

und trocken, es ist auch viel zu ernst, um schlechte Witze dabei zu reißen,“ and then

sleep-walked through some of the topic’s central themes. The closest his speech flirted

with controversy came in a section near the end, in which he pleaded for more

openness:

dass man nicht gleich einen jeden socialistischer Tendenzen

verdächtigt, der offen und herrlich seine Ansicht über die sociale
Frage ausspricht. Es ist ein gefährliches, schweres Leiden, aus

643
Sundays and Catholic holidays as days of rest continued to be an important issue for the
Catholic Church. By 1892, however, the reforms of the Taafe government in the early 1880s had taken
much of the wind out of the sails. A list of attendees can be found under III. Katholikentag, pp. 513-
552.
644
The Tages-Post describes him as a “grässlicher Redner,” Linzer Tages-Post 13 August 1892, p.
3.
 299

dem die moderne Gesellschaft krankt, und große Zwecke

verlangen große Mittel.645

Nevertheless, the Catholic conservative failure was evident at every turn. The

Christian Social movement attracted new converts among the lower clergy of Upper

Austria, while the Catholic-conservative hierarchy demonstrated its continuing

ineptitude in dealing with the ‘social question.’

645
III. Katholikentag, pp. 154-162, here 161.
 300

Chapter Seven. The Problems of Political Action

The combination of Rerum Novarum and the emerging Christian Social

movement set into motion a complicated and difficult process of social activism in

Upper Austria. This process was highly political and more often than not caught

between four conflicting ideological and political strands that existed within and

without the Church. The first strand consisted of the inevitable pull of Christian Social

ideology, with its explicit political message, inherent populism, and corporatist world

view. Moreover, as will be seen below, besides appealing to the lower clergy, the

movement also found favor in Rome. A second strand, embodied by the Catholic

hierarchy in Upper Austria — Bishop Doppelbauer and his circle —, detested the

Christian Social movement because its ‘from below’ policies threatened the

hierarchical nature of the Church. A third strand, and one that needs to be separated

from the second, consisted of loyalty to the state. It should not be forgotten that

Catholic priests remained civil servants and thus all members of the clergy faced

inherent conflicts of interest when supporting anti-authoritarian measures such as

strikes. The fourth and final strand was embodied in Rerum Novarum: its labor-

friendly rhetoric expanded the scope of permissible discourse within Catholic social

activism. Caught between these forces was both the Catholic priest and the Catholic

worker.
 301

This chapter will present several case studies exploring the problems priests and

workers faced in ‘being political’ within the confines of Catholic ideology on the

social question. It will begin with a look at how associations and a working-class press

formed in the wake of Rerum Novarum. Did the encyclical have the desired effect in

the province? How did priests become active and what sort of Catholic working-class

press developed? Next, comes a micro-level investigation of the problems two priests

encountered after making public statements that were seen as socialist. How did the

state and the diocese administration view their statements? How did they defend

themselves and what sort of claim did they stake for Catholic working-class activism

in the process? Next comes an examination of the Christian Social movement’s failure

to find proper footing in the province. Why and how did Doppelbauer succeed in

‘vaccinating’ his priests against the Viennese ideology? Finally, the chapter will move

to the Catholic worker, with a study of a Catholic workers’ strike at the construction

site of the Maria-Empfängnis-Dom. What sort of repercussions did the strike have for

the Catholic working-class movement and what can it tell us about the limits of

action? All four sections deal with the conflicting set of loyalties and ideologies within

which Catholic social activism operated.

Associational Life and the Press after Rerum Novarum

In the years after Rerum Novarum, Catholic working-class associations slowly

began to sprout in Upper Austria. It was in Lambach, the railroad town between Wels

and Vöcklabruck where Rudigier had chastised the female work force for its amoral

behavior four decades earlier, that the Benedictine monk Meinrad Huber founded the
 302

first post-Rerum Novarum association for working-class Catholics, the Katholischer

Arbeiterverein “Frohsinn” für Lambach und Umgebung. Similar associations soon

followed in other towns, including in Linz and its suburbs Kleinmünchen and Traun,

in Wels, in Grünberg, a suburb of Steyr, and in Losenstein, a small town just down the

river from Steyr. Outside of Linz and its industrial suburbs these associations were

mostly small-scale affairs. Most were based in towns averaging around 2,000

inhabitants and represented a loose collection of workers and artisans, averaging

between 80 and 200 members.646

The founding of each association followed a predictable pattern: a local priest

took the initiative and, in cooperation with a local Catholic notable, usually a factory

owner or manager, founded the association. The idea that employers and employees

should establish an association together under the watchful eye of the local priest was

the very ideal of Rerum Novarum in that it symbolically recreated the organic

community in the factory workplace, hierarchy intact. One factory in a town would

provide the association’s first members — usually about thirty — and statutes were

subsequently drawn up and passed at a constituting assembly at the local inn. Most of

these associations were carefully organized affairs, not bent on trying to overturn the

status quote. As the statutes of the Katholischer Lehrlingverein in Linz stated: “alle

politischen Bestrebungen sind selbstverständlich ausgeschlossen… Vorstand muss ein

katholischer Geistlicher sein und bedarf der Bestätigung des hochw. Bischofs.”647

646
The following section is based on the overview found in, “Ins Zehnte Jahr!” Katholische
Arbeiter-Zeitung, 1 April 1904, pp. 3-10; and Salzer, Christliche Arbeiterbewegung, pp. 67-104.
647
DAL CA/7, Sch. 105, Fasz. VIII/8.
 303

This tactic worked well. In most cases, the associations quickly blossomed,

doubling or tripling their membership in the first few years, though total membership

remained limited — the associations were, after all, mostly in small towns — and

often fluctuated wildly from one year to the next. First tasks included the creation of a

reading room for books and music scores, as well as the founding of a choral group

and, in some cases, a theater ensemble as well.648 The associations in Wels, Linz and

Kleinmünchen were considerably larger than the rest. The constituting assembly of the

working-class association in Linz had over 500 members and quickly grew to over

double that figure; Kleinmünchen had similar numbers and even in Wels, the

association managed 600 members. At a1901 meeting of the Landesverband of

Catholic associations, the total membership of the seventeen participating institutions

was around 2,500 members. As a point of reference: around the same time, social

democratic unions claimed around 2,900 members throughout Upper Austria.649

With two exceptions, all the newly formed Catholic working-class associations

were expressly non-political in their ambitions, and both exceptions are very much

special cases. The first was the Berufsgenossenschaftlicher Handwerker- und

Arbeiterverein in Losenstein. This association, co-founded by the local priest Daniel

Steinhauser and the owner of the local scythe factory, Josef Forster, was undeniably

based on ideas Steinhauser had heard at the 1892 Katholikentag:650 Its statutes

648
Especially in Kleinmünchen, both choral group and theater ensemble quickly found general
acclaim.
649
Salzer, Christliche Arbeiterbewegung, p. 108.
650
Steinhauser was a participant. See, III. Katholikentag, p. 546.
 304

proclaimed it a corporate lobbying organization for workers’ rights and a mutual aid

society, activities that required at least a modicum of political action, though it was

certainly never meant (nor allowed) to be a hotbed for working-class activism.651 The

second exception is the Katholisch-Politischer Arbeiterverein für Linz und Umgebung,

founded in 1895 as the first truly political organ for the Catholic working class. The

initiative came from Leopold Kern,652 a gifted priest with a prestigious pedigree who

had a good deal of experience in both founding associations and analyzing the social

question.653

The Katholisch-Politischer Arbeiterverein in Linz is doubly significant because

it was set up in tandem with the Katholische Arbeiterzeitung für Oberösterreich.

Founded by a small group of dedicated clergymen under leadership of Kern, the paper

proclaimed itself from the start to be an expressly political organ. It was quickly a

success: though figures vary, its circulation averaged between 3,000 and 5,000

subscribers, reaching a high point of 10,000 before the First World War. These figures

are especially impressive when one considers that most workers tended to read

651
III. Katholikentag, pp. 215-229; Salzer, Christliche Arbeiterbewegung, p. 69.
652
Kern (1857-1903) attended the theological seminary in Linz and then studied at the Collegium
Germanicum in Rome, where he received doctoral degrees in philosophy and theology. Upon his return
to Upper Austria, he was first assigned to Steyr, which had been Doppelbauer’s first posting as well,
before becoming Domkapitular and Stadtpfarrer in Linz in 1887. In 1897 he became a Reichsrat
deputy. Kern was publisher, editor or an important contributor to a good number of newspapers: Steyrer
Zeitung (1885-1887), Katholische Blätter (1887-1889), Mühlviertler Nachrichten (1894), Katholische
Arbeiterzeitung (1895-1897), and the Volksbote (1897-1903). Salzer, Christliche Arbeiterbewegung, p.
339; Salzer, Untertan, pp. 326, 329; Slapnicka, Politische Führungsschicht, pp. 133-133.
653
In 1894, Kern had helped found the katholischer Lehrlingsverein unter dem Schutze von St.
Josef in Linz. He helped draft the statutes and performed much of the necessary official correspondence
between the association and the SHL. DAL CA/7, Sch. 105, Fasz. VIII/8.
 305

newspapers in a reading club or shared a subscription with colleagues.654 Initially, the

paper did not seem all that different from the Volksblatt, though it did try to focus on

events that would be of greater interest to the working class: new legislation, legal

advice pieces and political polemics, often in an anti-Semitic vein. The paper went to

great lengths to cover all relevant Austrian and international — especially German —

congresses and political programs, as well as the every move and word of Karl

Lueger, by then well on the road to becoming the first Christian Social mayor of

Vienna, and Leopold Kunschak, founder of the Austrian Catholic workers’ movement.

It covered the gamut of Catholic social thought in Austria, as Kunschak and Lueger

represented its two intellectual poles, but stayed clear of overt calls for labor activism.

There were sporadic critical articles on individual factory owners, but never a call for,

or report of, a strike. Instead, long articles often argued expressly against the

usefulness of strikes.655 Yet the Katholisch-Politischer Arbeiterverein and the

Katholische Arbeiterzeitung were merely the exceptions that proved the rule; both

remained carefully watched by the state and the Catholic hierarchy.

Priests and Politics

Such surveillance by both the Catholic hierarchy and the state points to the

minimal degree of ideological maneuverability available to Upper Austrian priests in

the wake of the papal encyclical. Indeed, an incident involving two priests and their

654
Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. II, pp. 574-575; Salzer, Christliche Arbeiterbewegung, pp. 246-
248; Slapnicka, Christlichsoziale, pp. 102-103.
655
This is based on a cursory reading of the years 1901-1908. No copies of the first six years of the
paper were available in any of the archives or libraries I contacted.
 306

public views at the height of post-Rerum Novarum associational activism presents a

good example of the problems and solutions that those few priests had to master when

becoming politically active on behalf of the working class. In April 1895, a rather

angry letter from the Statthalter, Viktor von Puthon, to Bishop Doppelbauer

complained about two separate reports he had received. The reports concerned

speeches given by priests at meetings held to rally working-class support in favor of

new Catholic associations: the first was a rally of the Katholisch-Politischer

Arbeiterverein held in Ebelsberg, an industrial suburb of Linz located just adjacent to

Kleinmünchen.656 During the meeting, Leopold Kern had declared, “dass die Fabriken

in das Eigenthum der Genossenschaften übergehen sollen,” which, Puthon

complained, was “Verfechtung eines … kommunistischen Grundsatzes,” and could not

be tolerated by the state.

The second incident had taken place two weeks earlier in Weyer, a small market

town in the mountainous southeast corner of Upper Austria. At a local

Volksversammlung, workers congregated to listen to various speeches and among the

speakers was a local Kooperator Johann Bernhard, who declared,

dass die Christlich-Sozialen viele gleiche Ziele mit den Sozial-

Demokraten haben, dass sie jedoch ihre Zwecke unter Mitwirkung
der katholischen Kirche so erreichen wollen, dass die einzelnen
Stände zwar beibehalten, jedoch das Loos der besitzlosen, der
arbeitenden Klasse durch Verwirklichung der von der
katholischen Kirch gelehrten Nächstenliebe gebessert werde.

656
Ebelsberg was strategically located so that workers from Traun, Enns and Kleinmünchen could
easily attend the meeting.
 307

Auch ihre Partei wolle allgemeines gleiches Stimmrecht, 8

Stundentag etc.

This, too, Puthon declared, was not what the state expected of the clergy:

Ich habe bisher dem genannten Verein sowie allen unter der
Leitung von Geistlichen stehenden Vereinen katholischer Arbeiter
in Oberösterreich das Vertrauen entgegengebracht, dass durch
sie die immer mehr wachsende sozialdemokratische Bewegung
ein mächtiger Damm entgegengesetzt werden wird, finde mich
aber durch die vorliegende Erfahrung sowie durch anderer, in
der letzten Zeit gemachte Wahrnehmungen in diesem Vertrauen
sehr erschüttert. 657

Doppelbauer was no doubt horrified. Helping the needy was one thing, pandering to

the communist urges of the working class quite another. Furthermore, Christian Social

ideas, which until then had been successfully restrained in Doppelbauer’s diocese,

seemed to be making significant inroads among the clergy.

As the investigations began, the Bischöfliches Ordinariat used a policy of carrot

and stick. While it repeatedly declared that the investigation was a formality — the

local officials had clearly misunderstood the priests in question or taken their

comments out of context — it also asked both priests to officially account for their

behavior in a longer statement that could then be passed on to the authorities. Such a

tactic was meant to put the two priests on the defensive, for their replies needed to

address two very different audiences with greatly varying expectations. The

657
Puthon to Doppelbauer, 11 April 1895, DAL CA/7, Sch. 105, Fasz. VIII/8.
 308

Statthalterei expected something to the effect that the words had not been said, been

misunderstood, or simply taken out of context. The Bischöfliches Ordinariat,

however, was a more complicated audience. In each case, the Bischöfliches Ordinariat

framed the outline of the expected answer in its letter to the priests under review and

then asked both priests to verify that this was indeed what they had meant. In Kern’s

case:

Das Bischöfliche Ordinariat ist im Vorhinein überzeugt, daß Sie...

die Ausbildung der Genossenschaften zur Association bei
Erwerbung von Betrieben verstanden haben, denn sonst hätten
Sie, abgesehen von Ihren längst bekannten katholische
Gesinnung, nicht in dem gleichen Vortrag die Sozialdemokratie
als die größte Feindin des Gewerbestandes, für dessen Interesse
Sie in zahlreichen Reden mit größter Wärme eingetreten sind,
dargestellt und beleuchtet.

Similarly, in Bernhard’s case, the letter sent to his superior emphasized that:

in den nachfolgenden Erörterungen ausdrücklich hervorgehoben

ist, dass diese Zwecke, nähmlich die Verbesserung des Loses der
besitzlosen arbeitenden Klasse, unter Mitwirkung der
Katholischen Kirche durch die Verwirklichung der von ihr
gelehrten Nächstenlieben erreicht werden sollte.658

The replies would be uninteresting if they had merely allayed the Bischöfliches

Ordinariat’s fears and responded in mock agreement for the political authorities.

658
BO to Kern (Draft); BO to Dekanatsamt Weyer (Draft), both letters 30 April 1895, DAL CA/7,
Sch. 105, Fasz. VIII/8.
 309

Instead we get two responses that were far more concerned with the Bischöfliches

Ordinariat than the political authorities. Kern, in particular, replied with a strongly

worded and densely written ten-page defense:

Es findet niemand einen Anstoß daran, daß die

Actiengesellschaften, also Geldgenossenschaften, mehr und mehr
— alle Fabriken in ihr Eigenthum bekommen, so daß alle
größeren Fabriken fast ausschließlich in den Händen der
Geldgenossenschaften sich befinden. Niemand nennt diesen Besitz
der Actiengesellschaft communistisch. Warum sollte es
communistisch sein, wenn die Berufsgenossenschaften auf legalen
Wegen mit Hilfe und Subvention des Staates allmächtig die
Fabriken erwerben würden. Oder sollte das bei der
Berufsgenossenschaft communistisch sein, was bei der
Geldgenossenschaft staatserhaltend genannt wird?

These first lines suggest that Kern agreed with the Bischöfliches Ordinariat in his

interpretation, but he then carefully stretched the meaning by focusing on the role of

the state:

Wären diese Fabriken im Besitze der Berufsgenossenschaften, so

würde eben der Gewinn jenen zufallen, die das Handwerk gelernt,
und nicht denen, die nur Kapital besitzen und nichts gelernt
haben.

This is no doubt a much more radical formulation than the Bischöfliches Ordinariat

had sought for the political authorities.

Next, Kern sought to demonstrate, through examples from ‘within the doctrine’

— from Catholic speeches, assemblies and periodicals — that his views should be
 310

seen as, if not mainstream, then certainly within the accepted bounds of Catholic

thought. He remarked that his words were “kein communistischer Gedanke, …

sondern eine Idee, welche von vielen katholischen Socialreformern ausgesprochen

wurde.“ He of course mentions Rerum Novarum, with its explicit call for the state to

intervene on the behalf of workers, but, more importantly, he also focuses on local

examples to show that his views should be seen as quasi-mainstream not just within

Catholic social doctrine, but in within his diocese as well:

Auf dem III. allgemeinen österreichischen Katholikentage in Linz

wurde dieser Gedanke von dem Referenten … in einer viel
schärferen Form ausgesprochen und fand allgemeinen Beifall in
der Section für sociale Frage, in welcher die Hervorragenden
katholischen Socialpolitiker Graf Kuefstein und Freiherr von
Berger den Vorsitz führten … Im Linzer Volksblatt … wurde von
hochgeschätzter Seite … ein noch viel weiter gehender Vorschlag
gemacht, ohne das diese Ausführung irgendwie Anstoßt erregt
hätte … Wenn wir die Arbeiter dem Christenthum erhalten
wollen, so müßen wir auch für ihre berechtigten Interessen, auch
in materieller Beziehung, eintreten.“659

Through these forms, Kern thus sought less to allay the fears of either the

Bischöfliches Ordinariat or the political authorities, than to use the opportunity to

expand the envelope of what was permissible in the diocese — an especially pertinent

task since these were the very days in which both the katholisch-politischer

Arbeiterverein was founded and the Katholische Arbeiterzeitung first appeared.

659
Kern to BO, 11 May 1895, DAL CA/7, Sch. 105, Fasz. VIII/8.
 311

The case of the Kooperator in Weyer is at first a bit more complicated, as

Doppelbauer’s investigative letter was addressed not to him but to his superior, the

Dekan in Weyer, Franz Falkner, who was asked to investigate the accusations and

report back. As with Kern, the Bischöfliches Ordinariat’s tone sought to dictate

Falkner’s response, while simultaneously giving Bernhard a certain amount of leeway

for his youth and inexperience:

Er wolle jedoch zu gleich dem Herrn Bernhard gerathen werden,

sich bei Aufstellung von allgemeinen Grundsätzen, die leicht
mißverständlich sind, besondere Vorsicht zu befleißen; denn der
nackte Satz, daß die Christlich Sozialen viele gleiche Ziele mit
den Sozialdemokraten haben, wäre wirklich unwahr, wie es auch
unrichtig ist, daß die katholische Arbeiterpartei daß allgemeine
Stimmrecht und den Achtstundentag anstreben.

Just like Kern, however, Falkner accepted neither the criticism of the political

authorities, nor the tone of the Bischöfliches Ordinariat.

Herr Bernhard führte aus, dass der Hl. Vater in seiner Encyclica
und die katholische Socialreformen — gleich den
Socialdemocratischen — das vielfach bestehende sociale Elend
der Arbeiterklasse anerkennen und das gleiche Ziel im Auge
haben, nähmlich abzuhalten, aber in dem ‚Wie’ sei ein
himmelweiter Unterschied.660

Like Kern, Falkner sought to legitimize the statements by showing that they were well

within any accepted limits of discourse within the diocese. “Bei diesen Ausführungen

660
Falkner to BO, 5 May 1895, DAL CA/7, Sch. 105, Fasz. VIII/8.
 312

diente ihm … der Vortrag des gelehrten Juristen und Universitätsprofessors J.

Biederlack661 …wie derselbe in der Welser Zeitung N. 33 und 34 des Jahrganges 1894

abgedruckt ist.” In the course of the letter, Falkner puts more effort into mitigating the

obvious Christian Social influences in the speech than explaining away the socialist

rhetoric.

Um den Einwurf zu entkräften, die katholische Arbeiterschaft

habe kein Programm, las Herr Bernhard das "Programm der
Christlich Socialen Arbeiterschaft" (1895) vor, ohne übrigens
dasselbe in allen Punkten zu akzeptieren. Er betonte (wie das
auch in der "Linzer Zeitung" hervorgehoben ist) den Unterschied
zwischen den Bestrebungen der christlichen Arbeiterschaft und
der politisch christlich-socialen Partei in Wien und stellte sich
(die christlichen Arbeiter) damit noch mehr in Gegensatz zur
Socialdemokraten.

Thus, like Kern, Falkner chose to tread a fine line in portraying his Kooperator to both

the political and Catholic authorities, while at the same time expanding the limits of

discourse when Catholic priests spoke on working-class issues. Whether the

Kooperator Bernhard also went to such pains to distance himself from the Christian

Social movement is less likely; here Falkner was probably trying to soften his words,

since many in the lower clergy were sympathetic to the Christian Social movement.

After receiving the letters, Doppelbauer faced a dilemma. Their authors pointed

to an existing discourse on the social question, one to which he and his inner circle

661
Biederlack was a prominent Christian Social law professor at the University of Innsbruck. He
occasionally published in the Theologisch-Praktische Quartalschrift.
 313

was neither privy to nor favorably inclined. Yet, as Doppelbauer no doubt realized, it

was a development he could not ignore and now had to steer in the ‘right’ direction by

emphasizing the local roots of Catholic social activism and separating these from the

Christian Social movement in Vienna. In forwarding both letters back to Puthon,

Doppelbauer presented an existing discourse of Catholic social thought within his

diocese.

Schon in den 1860 Jahren, besonders aber zu beginn der 1870

Jahre brachten die Linzer Theologisch-Praktische Quartalschrift,
die "Katholischen Blätter" und das "Linzer Volksblatt"
fortlaufende Abhandlungen über die Arbeiterfrage aus der Feder
einiger tüchtiger Seelsorger, die in der Lage waren, die
Verhältnisse in den Fabriken aus unmittelbarer Nähe kennen zu
lernen und über die damalige Bewegung in Deutschland sich
unterrichten konnten. Von der gegnerischen Presse verlacht, als
ob es keine Arbeiterfrage gäbe, ließ sich seither der Klerus nicht
abhalten, die christlichen Socialreform zu seinem besonderen
Studium zu machen.662

Such apparent continuity of working-class activism and thought on the social question

served to bring together several conflicting strands. The state, seeing an autonomous

development that seemed neither rooted in socialism nor in Christian Social thought

(in 1895, after all, Emperor Francis Joseph had not yet let Karl Lueger take up his

elected position as mayor of Vienna) was assuaged, while Doppelbauer felt himself to

be taking the reigns on the social question into his own hands.

662
Doppelbauer to Puthon, 20 May 1895, DAL CA/7, Sch. 105, Fasz. VIII/8.
 314

The Christian Social Movement Co-opted

The inner conflict that Doppelbauer felt in forwarding the letters to the political

authorities points to a deeper conflict between the Catholic hierarchy in Linz and the

Christian Social movement. Upper Austria was quite literally surrounded by Christian

Socials, as it was located between the hotbeds of activism in Lower Austria and

Tyrol.663 Doppelbauer and the Catholic hierarchy actively discouraged the spread of

Christian Social ideas – especially anti-Semitism – and political movements in Upper

Austria, but it was a long, uphill battle. During the 1892 Katholikentag, although the

Catholic hierarchy had tried to minimize Christian Social domination, much of the

younger lower clergy cheered the new tone. As the liberal Tages-Post reported,

Am letzten Katholikentage in Linz stießen die sogenannten

"Christlich-Socialen," wie sich die Antisemiten benennen, mit den
Altclerikalen ziemlich scharf zusammen … Insbesondere die
Preßesection war der Schauplatz des Kampfes, dort verlangten
die Schärferen direct die Ersetzung der jetzigen clericalen Presse
durch die antisemitische… Man hat den Clerus systematisch in
eine politische Kampftruppe umgewandelt, sicher nicht zum
besten der Kirche und der Religion, jetzt ist sein Kampfesmuth so
weit angesagt, daß er sich auch gegen seine Oberhirten kehrt,
wenn sie ihm "zu bedächtig" und "nicht energisch genug"
erscheinen.664

663
On Tyrol, see, Cole, Gott, Kaiser und Vaterland; Heiss and Königsrainer, "Brixen;” Mayer,
katholische Grossmacht. On the Christian Social movement in Vienna and Lower Austria, see, Boyer,
Political Crisis; Boyer, Political Radicalism; Lewis, Kirche und Partei.
664
“Bischof Doppelbauer gegen die Antisemitische Presse,” Linzer Tages-Post, 1 January 1893, p.
2.
 315

The article had appeared as a reaction to recent developments within the diocese. A

few weeks earlier, Doppelbauer had written a strong piece in the Diözesanblatt, no

doubt sensing the mood that was beginning to ‘infect’ his priests, which — for

emphasis — was reprinted two weeks later on the front page of the Linzer Volksblatt.

In it, the bishop warned his clergy,

dass wir es nicht bloß mit den alten uns längst bekannten Feinden
der Kirche und der katholischen Gesinnung, sondern auch mit
solchen literarischen Gegnern zu thun haben, die unter dem
Scheine strenger Rechtgläubigkeit und großen Eifers für die
Rechte der heiligen Kirche, verderbliche Tendenzen und geradezu
unkirchliche Ideen und Ziele verfolgen.

Though he does not mention the Christian Social movement by name, it is clear whom

he has in mind. Doppelbauer continued,

Der Bischof fühlt sich daher verpflichtet, warnend die

Aufmerksamkeit des hochwürdigen Clerus auf diese Emanation
angeblich christlicher Zeitschriften zu richten, eingedenk seiner
heiligen Pflicht, die in seine Diöcese eindringende Lehren zu
Prüfen, zu empfehlen oder davor zu warnen. Ich meine besonders
jene Blätter und Artikel, welche die Zersplitterung der katholisch-
politischen Partei anstreben, das Ansehen des heiligen Stuhls und
der Bischöfe herabdrücken, den maßgebenden Einfluß des
Episkopats in der Leitung kirchlich-politischen Fragen leugnen
und das Recht, diese eigenen Wege zu gehen, beanspruchen.”665

665
“Der Clerus und die Presse,” Linzer Diözesanblatt 38 (1892), p. 243; reprinted in, Linzer
Volksblatt, 25 December 1892, p. 1.
 316

Doppelbauer also began to exercise a more concerted influence on the press. In

1893, Albert Maria Weiss, a conservative Dominican friar from Upper Austria,

replaced the notoriously anti-Semitic and radical Josef Scheicher as lead writer in the

Theologisch-Praktische Quartalschrift at Doppelbauer’s insistence.666 Furthermore,

radical Christian Social writers from its anti-Semitic wing, such as August Rohling,

ceased writing for the publication altogether. Pamphlets began appearing that attacked

Christian Social authors or ideas. Friedrich Pesendorfer, a Kooperator in Wels,

published „Christlichsozial oder katholisch“ in 1894, attacking the Christian Socials

for their „Schädigung der gemeinsamen Interessen.“667 It was also around this time

that another pamphlet appeared in Linz, attacking the Volksblatt and especially its

editor, Johann Hauser, for its increasing anti-Semitism following a string of anti-

Semitic articles in the paper over the course of 1891.668 Written by Karl von Kissling,

Rudigier’s liberal defense lawyer from 1869 now turned devout Catholic, the

pamphlet marked the beginning of a larger campaign that, together with the Salzburg

church historian Josef Schöpf, resulted in the formation of an association to combat

anti-Semitism with an accompanying periodical.669 The effect of both actions was

666
Weiss, while often focusing on the social question, also attacked the Christian Socials in his
columns, especially their use of anti-Semitism. See, for example, Albert Maria Weiß, "Kirchlich-
Sozialpolitische Rundschau," Theologisch-Praktische Quartalschrift 47 (1894). On Doppelbauer and
the editorial offices of the Theologisch-Praktische Quartalischrift, see, Boyer, "Priests in Lower
Austria," p. 342; Lewis, Kirche und Partei, p. 294; Zinnhobler, "Die Briefe des Linzer
Kirchenhistorikers Mathias Hiptmair nach Rom (1872-1909)," p. 166; Zinnhobler, "Modernismuskrise,"
pp. 321-324.
667
Zinnhobler, "Modernismuskrise," pp. 340-341.
668
Kissling, Offenes Schreiben.
669
Little is known about Kissling, Schöpf, the association, and the periodical, Zeitschrift zur
Bekämpfung des Antisemitismus, other than that they existed. No copies exist in any of the main
 317

limited, however. Two months after Kissling’s initial letter, Hauser responded with an

eleven-part series on “Christenschutz oder Judenschutz?,” a direct response.670 While

Doppelbauer was able to forestall the formation of a Christian Social association or

political party in these early years, the control he had over his own clergy was far from

perfect.

In 1895 the Christian Social movement renewed its efforts to ‘proselytize’

Upper Austria. In January of that year, three of the top leaders of the movement —

Liechtenstein, Gessmann and Pattai — descended on Linz. Even before their arrival,

they managed to raise eyebrows with a conspicuous press campaign highlighted by an

official papal blessing for their journey. As one historian has commented, the trip was

orchestrated like a, “Missionsfahrt in ein Heidenland.“671 When Doppelbauer received

word of the plan, he immediately wrote to Rome, “bestützt und besorgt” over the

pope’s support of this demeaning “Agitationsreise,” the sole purpose of which was to

found a movement directly aimed at diminishing the authority of the Catholic bishops

in Austria.

The rest of the Austrian Episcopate chimed in as well: this ‘Mission’ was the last

straw; papal support of the Christian Social movement had gone on long enough

against the express wishes of the Austrian episcopacy. In February, the Austrian

bishops issued a long memorandum criticizing the Christian Social movement and, in

archives or libraries in Upper Austria, nor in the Österreichische Nationalbibliothek in Vienna. See,
Toury, "Anti-Anti."
670
“Ein ‘Offenes Schreiben’,” Linzer Volksblatt 19 January 1893, p. 2; “Christenschutz oder
Judenschutz,” Linzer Volksblatt 11 March 1892 to 16 April 1892, always on p. 1.
671
Slapnicka, Christlichsoziale, p. 137.
 318

uncharacteristically strong words, the support that the papal curia had bestowed on the

movement. The memorandum argued that Austria had a well-functioning Catholic-

conservative movement, one that emphasized the importance of religion in public life

and supported divine authority and the monarchy, though it admitted that in questions

of economic policy it did seem a bit dated. Nevertheless, it underscored the important

work – here they were referring to the social legislation passed by the Taaffe

government in the 1880s – the movement had done in conjunction with the Austrian

government, “allerdings bleibt noch vieles zu tun.“ When the Christian Social

movement formed, the memorandum continued, its proponents critiqued the existing

social order using quasi-socialist arguments, including questioning the principle of

private property, and always cited Rerum Novarum as their defense against critiques

from within the Church. “Solche Lehren mussten geeignet sein, die Sympathien der

niederen Volksklassen zu gewinnen und auf diesem Wege gelangt in die gefährlichsten

Bahnen des dem nördlichen Nachbar abgelauschten Antisemitismus in seiner

abstoßenden Form.” Finally, the bishops criticized the string of official papal

blessings that Christian Social endeavors had received over the years.

The Vatican reacted coldly. It admitted that it had only looked at the theoretical

program and for the most part ignored the “politische Tätigkeit” of the group in

forming its opinion. Nevertheless, when Cardinal Schönborn of Prague arrived in

Rome to follow up on the memorandum and again warn of the dangers of supporting

the Christian Social movement, the curia delegated his request to a slow-moving sub-

committee of the College of Cardinals. Several weeks later, Antonio Agliardi, the

pope’s nuncio in Vienna, passed on an official message to the Austrian bishops:

 319

although he regretted that the leadership of the Christian Social movement had not

always been ‘obedient,’ the pope chastised the bishops for failing to take a more active

interest in the problems of their population.672

Even with such powerful allies, however, the 1895 ‘Mission’ proved to be

unsuccessful. Doppelbauer was at the height of his powers in the 1890s, his views on

the Christian Social movement well known, and few in the lower clergy dared to cross

him openly.673 Nevertheless, with the rather clear signals from Rome, Doppelbauer

decided that he did need to show some support for the movement. The following year,

he began corresponding with a group of local lay Catholics who sought to found a

Christian Social association. Unlike in previous years, he did not brush off their

request, but entered into a dialogue with them, naming the conditions with which he

would let the association form in his diocese. In June then came the official request,

seeking the bishop’s blessing in founding a “politischen Vereins christlich-socialer

Richtung unter Laienleitung.” In his draft, Doppelbauer underlined Laienleitung in

thick pencil, for it went deeply against the grain of all other Catholic associations in

Upper Austria. The long petition went on to argue that such an association was

necessary to counter the growing success of the pan-German movement in Upper

Austria. Judging by Doppelbauer’s underlining in the draft, however, it was less the

anti-pan-German rhetoric that caught his eye than a vision: “Zwar kann die christlich-

sociale Richtung dem conservativen Politiker nicht als letztes Ziel erscheinen, sonder

672
Engel-Jánosi, Österreich und der Vatikan, pp. 284-285.
673
A note from the mayor’s office to the SHL on the “Mission” reported that it had mostly been a
failure, speculating that a Christian Social association would probably not be founded in the near future.
Bürgermeisteramt, Linz, to Stattahlterei, Linz, 3 February 1896. OöLA StAR XII / 10, Sch. 1898.
 320

nur als Etappe zur endlichen Erlangung des Übergewichtes katholischer Grundsätze

im öffentlichen Leben.”674 Such a vision swayed even a hardened bishop.

A few months later, Doppelbauer gave his blessing. In return, he received a set

of carefully worded guidelines that limited the activities and aspirations of the

association: They would adhere to the guidelines set down at the fourth Austrian

Katholikentag, held in Salzburg 1896, which emphasized the need for members and

speakers to be “auf dem Boden christlicher Grundsätze.”675 They also pledged to

remain “unbeeinflusst von den Führern der Wiener christlich-socialen Partei” and to

conform the ideals of the association to the “besonderen Verhältnisse seiner

Wirkungsfeldes.“ Furthermore, they promised not to overlap with the political

activities of the Katholischer Volksverein, the main organizational body for Catholic

associations and Catholic-conservative politics, nor to invite external speakers who

might criticize the role of the Church or its hierarchy in any way. With these terms

Doppelbauer had what he wanted: an association ostensibly labeled “Christian Social,”

but too weak to be a real threat to his authority. To reinforce the point, the founders of

the association were, politically, complete unknowns in Upper Austrian: one was a

bank teller, another a retired tutor, two were artisans and one a lower state official.

674
“Proselytizing” public space and keeping civic society — die Öffentlichkeit — Catholic was an
important element in convincing many priests to support the Christian Social movement. As the
Viennese priest Adam Latschka said toward the end of his life, “Wien ist Christlich. Somit habe ich
mein Ziel erreicht, das ich durch meine Teilnahme an der Politik erreichen wollte.“ Silberbauer,
Österreichs Katholiken, p. 111.
675
Celerin, "österreichische Katholikentage,” p. 187.
 321

Certainly none of them could command any stature nor garner much support. The

Upper Austrian Christian Social movement had little momentum.676

In October of 1896, the political authorities approved the statutes and in

November, the association held its constituting meeting. Of the 106 members there

were 5 priests, including the sub-regent of the Priesterseminar, who was no doubt

keeping an eye on the proceedings. An overwhelming number of members were

artisans, including an utterly disproportionate number of master tailors, as well as

lower state officials. For good measure, there was also one self-described ‘Arbeiter’

among its members.677 Nevertheless this was not the dynamic start its supporters had

hoped for. Linz, a regional capital with a strong artisan base, and other cities,

especially Ried and Wels with their mix of merchants, artisans and government

officials, should all have been fertile ground. In the coming decade, the association

slowly grew, but never truly got off the ground. By 1905 — after changing its statutes

and organizational structure to encompass all of Upper Austria — it would claim 1500

members, a paltry sum when compared to the Catholic-Conservative association in

Upper Austria and the Christian Social movement in lower Austria and Vienna.678

In the fall of 1907, the Christian Social and Catholic-conservative movements

merged under the name Christlichsoziale Partei; the head of the Christlichsoziale

676
See the correspondence between Alois Kanamüller and Doppelbauer, 1896, DAL CA/7, Sch.
105, Fasz. VIII/8.
677
Statutes and membership lists can be found in, OöLA StAR XII / 10, Sch. 1898.
678
Christlich-sozialer Verein to SHL, 10 August 1905. OöLA StAR XII / 10, Sch. 1898.
Slapnicka, Christlichsoziale, p. 142.
 322

Partei automatically doubled as the head of the katholischer Volksverein;679 and, the

Katholische Arbeiterzeitung changed its subtitle from “Organ des

Oberösterreichischen Arbeiterverbandes" to "Organ der christl.-sozialen

Arbeiterschaft Oberösterreichs.“680 Why the sudden change? Rather than a victory of

Christian Social thought, the union was an effort by elements within the Christian

Social party and within the Catholic hierarchy to build a more conservative national

party — the Reichspartei — modeled after the Center Party in Germany.681 In the

elections of 1907, the first to be held with universal male suffrage, the Christian Social

/ Catholic-Conservative Reichspartei emerged the strongest party, garnering a total of

98 out of 516 seats in the new Reichsrat.682 But it was easy to see where the balance of

power lay, at least in Upper Austria: seventeen of the twenty-two delegates to the

Reichsrat from the province were Catholic-conservative.683 Doppelbauer dubbed the

merger a purely “politischer Akt”684 and, indeed, the Volksblatt went on differentiating

between the two camps as if the merger had not taken place.

679
Slapnicka, Oberösterreich unter Kaiser Franz Joseph, p. 199.
680
Vinzenz Langhammer to SHL, 2 January 1908. OöLA StPR Sch. 147.
681
Boyer, Political Crisis, p. 4, 60-110.
682
On the complex political maneuvering and the resulting election law, see, Jenks, Electoral
Reform; Helmut Rumpler, "Parlament und Regierung Cisleithaniens 1867 bis 1914," in Die
Habsburgermonarchie 1848-1918. Vol. VII. Verfassung und Parliamentarismus, ed. Helmut Rumpler
and Peter Urbanitsch, (Vienna, 2000), pp. 872-882.
683
Slapnicka, Oberösterreich unter Kaiser Franz Joseph, pp. 198-199.
684
Slapnicka, Christlichsoziale, p. 164.
 323

The Dombaustreik

It is important to inspect this merger a little more closely. While on a regional

political level the conservatives seemed to have the upper hand, below the surface

different elements could now try and use the Christian Social message to again push

the envelope of what was permissible. A good example for this was the Katholische

Arbeiterzeitung, which developed a more radical tone within weeks of turning

officially Christian Social. The most significant of these changes had to do with strikes

— Lohnbewegungen, the paper dubbed them —, which were now not only covered in

the news, but also supported. The significance and problematic of this shift will

become apparent in the following section: when the Arbeiterzeitung became more

vocal in its support for strikes, labor unrest suddenly flared up in the heart of the

diocese. The masons building the Maria-Empfängnis-Dom, along with a cast of

supporting workers, went on strike to protest sub-par working conditions, low wages,

the failure of management to recognize their right to organize, and to demand a

fourteen-day Kündigungsschutz. The Maria-Empfängnis-Dom was Rudigier’s most

treasured ‘gift’ to the diocese. Announced shortly after Pius IX declared the

Immaculate Conception to be Roman Catholic dogma in 1854 and to celebrate the role

of the Virgin Mary within the Church,685 Rudigier wanted to use the Dom to

proselytize the ‘liberal’ city’s public spaces. A classic gothic cathedral grand enough

to overshadow all other buildings, it was begun in 1862 and completed in 1924.

685
For many theologians, the 1854 encyclical Ineffabilis Deus – with its unilateral designation of
the Immaculate Conception as dogma – marked the first strong signal of papal infallibility. Jaroslav
Pelikan, Mary through the Centuries: Her Place in the History of Culture, (New Haven, 1996), pp. 189-
200.
 324

The origins of the conflict can be traced much farther back than 1908. Memos

between the Dombauleitung and the Bischöfliches Ordinariat from the 1880s already

suggest that the wages paid were not generous.686 In 1905, the social democratic paper

in Linz, Wahrheit!, presented a short exposé on the wages at the Dombau, comparing

working conditions at the Dombau in Linz and at the St. Vitus Cathedral in Prague.

The paper found that wages in Prague were around thirty-three percent higher and the

workday one hour shorter. “Das ist jedenfalls das praktische Christenthum, von dem

den Arbeitern immer vorgeschwefelt wird.“687 Attacks on Catholic working-class

associations in the social-democratic Wahrheit!688 were quite common, and this was

just a further jab. Nevertheless, it also pointed to an existing level of discontent among

the Dombau workers. A second point of contention was health insurance. The risks of

injury while working at the Dombau were quite high and for masons, exposed to high

levels of dust after the introduction of the pneumatic hammer in the late 1890s, the

risks were even higher. Because of these hazards, health insurance companies refused

to take on Dombau workers. At the same time, the internal Dombau workers’ health

insurance scheme was on the brink of collapse through a mixture of bad management

and insufficient planning.689

686
See, for example, Otto Schirmer to BO, 17 October 1885, DAL DOB A-1, Sch. 8, Fasz. 1, as
well as other correspondence in the same file.
687
Wages in Prague ranged from 26 to 30 kr. per week, in Linz it was between 20 and 22 kr; the
workday in Prague was 9 hours, in Linz 10. Wahrheit! 12 May 1905, p. 3.
688
Founded in 1897 as a bi-weekly publication, by 1909 it had begun appearing three times a
week. Salzer, Untertan, pp. 254-255.
689
Responsibility for the collapse of the health insurance fund and thus for the continuing health
care of the Dombau workers remained one of the hidden subtexts of this conflict. As an anonymous
letter to the social-democratic Wahrheit! reported, the health insurance fund,
 325

As already mentioned above, the Katholische Arbeiterzeitung initially refrained

from reporting on labor conflicts, especially ones that pitted Catholic workers and

Catholic unions against a Catholic boss. At the beginning of 1908, as the paper

changed its subtitle to the Organ der christl.-sozialen Arbeiterschaft Oberösterreichs,

this dramatically changed. A new rubric, “Aus Arbeitsstätten,“ appeared, which

reported on the day-to-day, on-site activities of Christian workers and unions. The

reports, while sober when compared with their social democratic counterparts, were a

watershed. They reported on the details of negotiations between labor and

management and, if these broke down, announced that a strike was taking place.

“Arbeiter!” the paper would then command, “Zuzug…ist Fernzuhalten!” The first

strike covered by the paper was an unmitigated success. The workers received a

fourteen percent pay raise as well as a number of other benefits, the factory owner was

praised for his willingness to compromise — after it was over, the whole action was

deemed the very model of worker-employer cooperation and harmonious, Catholic

activism. Moreover, it also demonstrated the grass-roots support that Catholic workers

could count on: a broad range of priests, parishes and working-class associations

laboriert seit mehreren Jahren an einem großen Defizit und schon im vorigen Jahre ist
zwischen Herrn Dombaumeister Schlager und der Dombauleitung ein heftiger Streit
darüber entstanden, wer von den beiden Faktoren das Riesendefizit begleichen soll. Laut
§ 7 des Kassenstatuts ist der Bauherr, also in diesem falle die Dombauleitung, dafür
haftbar. Diese aber wiederum will das Zahlen auf den Dombaumeister überwälzen. Herr
Schlager, der sich wohl nicht mit den “Dombauherren” verderben kann, aber dennoch
nicht gern zahlen will, wälzt die Verantwortung auf die Dombauarbeiter
beziehungsweise auf die Krankenkasseleitung ab. In einem Antwortschreiben an den
hiesigen Magistrat vom 7 August 1908 berichtete Herr Schlager wörtlich: ‘Die
Hauptursache der hohen Defizite liegt jedenfalls in der Krankenkontrolle und zudem
besteht der Vorstand aus Arbeitern, die nichts von Reduzierung der Unterstützungen
oder Erhöhung der Beiträge hören wollen.
Wahrheit!, 17 September 1909, p. 3. Also see, “Zur Blockierung der Linzer Dombauhütte.” Katholische
Arbeiter-Zeitung, 21 August 1909, p. 1.
 326

across Upper Austria sent money to the paper to support their brethren.690 As reporting

commenced on Catholic workers’ strikes, they quickly increased in number; just in the

first half of 1908, the Katholische Arbeiterzeitung could write of three successful

Catholic Lohnbewegungen in Upper Austria.691

In the summer of 1908, the price of food, rent and clothing increased

dramatically, and the Dombau workers became increasingly agitated.692 In June, three

representatives of the Gewerkschaft christlicher Bauarbeiter Oberösterreichs wrote a

letter to Bishop Doppelbauer and the Dombauleiter Mathias Schlager, complaining

about the rising cost of living in Linz: “Das Wort ‘von der Hand in den Mund’ trifft

hier in seiner traurigsten Bedeutung zu.“ The union representatives requested a

number of things: a thirty Heller across-the-board raise coupled with a comprehensive

wage agreement; Kündigungsschutz (protection against dismissal) with fourteen days

notice on either side; recognition of their right to organize as a Christian labor union;

and an ombudsman to handle the dispute.693 Bishop Doppelbauer expressed his

690
“Der Streik der Messingarbeiter in Reichraming ist beendet. Ein Erfolg der Christlichen
Organisation.“ Katholische Arbeiter-Zeitung 11 January 1908, p. 4. „Stimmen aus dem Publikum.”
Katholische Arbeiter-Zeitung 8 February 1908, p. 4. Nevertheless there seems to also have been some
criticism of the affair, as the paper began substituting the word strike with “Lohnbewegung” soon
thereafter, which it considered much less confrontational.
691
Though the Katholische Arbeiterzeitung did not report on strikes organized by Catholic
working-class associations before 1908, they were usually mentioned in the social-democratic press.
Since the years 1895-1901 have disappeared, it is impossible to say whether the paper had more
antagonistic reporting before 1901.
692
See, Nachum T. Gross, "Economic Growth and the Consumption of Coal in Austria and
Hungary 1831-1913," Journal of Economic History 31 (December, 1971); Österreichisches Statistisches
Zentralamt, Geschichte und Ergebnisse, pp. 134-163.
693
Gewerkschaft christ. Bauarbeiter oö (Signed by J. Postl, Joh. Reiter, Obmann, Josef Blechtaler,
A. Stocker) to Doppelbauer, 16 August 1908. DAL DOB A-1, Fasz. 20, Sch. 47.
 327

empathy for the workers, but delegated the matter to the Dombauleiter, Schlager, and

the Dombau-Committee.694

Schlager and the head of the Dombau-Committee, Anton Pinzger,695 were not

quite as compassionate in their tone and confronted the efforts at unionization head-

on. Pinzger answered the workers with a long letter explaining why their requests

could not be granted. First, he argued, the Dombau was legally “Privatunternehmen

zum eigenen Bedarf” and thus not subject to the regulations of the Gewerbegesetze,

which mandated a fourteen day-Kündigungsschutz. It thus had little in common with

other businesses where Christian unions already existed. Second, he insisted that

writing a letter to the bishop was not following protocol; any request had to be made

directly to the Dombauleiter and to no one else. Third, he mentioned that wages had

risen somewhat and were high when compared to other wages in unionized factories.

Fourth, he added that the masons and bricklayers should be thankful that they have

found an employer that employs them year-round, not just in fair weather. And, fifth,

he argued that the position of an ombudsman was unnecessary since there was already

a supervisor on site. He admitted, though, that a set of formal workplace regulations

might be in order and thus requested that an Arbeitsordnung be drafted.696 Then

followed a letter by Schlager. First he threatened to fire everyone and close the site;

694
The Bauleiter Schlager, who was a trained architect, handled the day-to-day construction. The
Dombau-Committee then handled the larger policy questions and was made up of Schlager plus a
number of other priests, who then reported to the bishop.
695
Pinzger’s antagonistic stance is all the more inexplicable, since he was one of the few priests in
the 1880s to write extensively on the social question and workers’ rights. See above, p. 285, as well as,
Pinzger, "Pfarrgeistlichkeit;” Pinzger, "Grundzüge."
696
Anton Pinzger to Gewerkschaftsleitung, 6 October 1908. DAL DOB A-1 Fasz. 20, Sch. 47.
 328

then he fired all the newer Hilfsarbeiter that had come onto the site since the winter.

The tactics scared a number of individual workers into dropping their support for a

union and convinced others to cut a deal by reporting on developments inside the

union to Schlager. The carpenters and smiths left the unionization efforts altogether,

leaving only the masons as a group.697 Letters and warnings from the unionizing

workers, and threats from the Dombauleitung continued throughout the winter until

Schlager, in February 1909, agreed to a series of raises for all workers of between ten

and twenty Heller per day.

After this initial mix of carrot and stick, the union organizers requested a

meeting with Schlager, thus following the ‘official’ guidelines laid down by Pinzger.

They praised Schlager for the wage raises as well as other small improvements that

had been made in the working conditions over the past months. They then handed him

a new draft of a Lohnvertrag. Schlager reacted coldly, but promised to raise the matter

in the next Dombau-Committee meeting. By late May, however, nothing had come of

the matter and so the union organizers, Anton Stocker, Johann Reiter, and Vinzenz

Langhammer,698 wrote a letter to the new bishop, Rudolf Hittmair, who had been

appointed in early 1909 after Doppelbauer’s death in December of the preceding year,

pleading with him to intervene: “daß gerade bei christlichen, katholischen

697
“Zur Blockade der Linzer Dombauhütte.” Katholische Arbeiter-Zeitung, 25 September 1909,
pp. 4-5.
698
Stocker worked as a printer in Linz and was instrumental in founding the Öberösterreichischer
allgemeiner christlicher Gewerkschaftsverein in 1907. Langhammer, though not a priest, had worked
together with Kern since 1895 in helping put out the Katholische Arbeiterzeitung; not much is known
about Reiter other than that, along with Stocker and Langhammer, he worked to organize Catholic
workers in Linz. On Langhammer, see the correspondence between Leopold Kern and the SHL from
1895 in, OöLA StPr Sch. 147; on Stocker, see, Slapnicka, Christlichsoziale, p. 106.
 329

Unternehmungen auf den Wünschen der Arbeiterschaft soviel wie möglich Rechnung

getragen wird.“699 A month later, Schlager gave in to the wage increase originally

requested in June 1908 of 30 Hellars per day. It soon became clear, however, that both

wage concessions, those in February and in June 1909, had only been made at behest

of the new bishop. On the question of recognizing the workers’ right to organize, as

well as on the question of Kündigungsschutz, Schlager and the Dombau-Committee

refused to budge.700

It was with mixed feelings that the Dombau workers approached a continuation

of their efforts. On the one hand, their solidarity had already achieved a good deal.

Their initial wage request had finally been granted and they seemed to have the moral

— if nevertheless rather indirect — support of the new bishop. On the other hand,

Schlager had managed to hold out for almost a year on even this demand and the labor

organizers were well aware that a long and drawn-out conflict between the diocese

administration and its Catholic workers would undoubtedly have significant

consequences for the development of Catholic working-class activism in general.

Nevertheless, in late June the union organizers decided to test the waters. First,

the Katholische Arbeiterzeitung ran a short piece — its first in the conflict — hinting

at a problem while pleading for further solidarity.

Vor nahezu einem Jahr leitete die Organisation der christlichen

699
Anton Stocker, Johann Reiter, and Vinzenz Langhammer to Rudolf Hittmair, 21 May 1909.
DAL DOB A-1 Fasz. 20, Sch. 47.
700
Much of the correspondence has been lost. This summary of events is pieced together from the
above-mentioned diary, plus from various articles in the Katholische Arbeiter-Zeitung from June
through August.
 330

Bauarbeiter bei den Arbeiten des M[aria]-E[mpfängis] Doms in

Linz eine Lohnbewegung ein, die erst mit 15 Juni d.J. ihren Teil-
Abschluß fand dank des großen Entgegenkommens des hochw.
Bischofs Dr. Rudolf Hittmayr…Dombauarbeiter, haltet wie bisher
die Einigkeit hoch und unsere christliche Organisation! Nur so
können wir erreichen, daß alles was also gerecht heute von jedem
Einsichtigen anerkannt wird, auch erreicht wird. Unsere
Organisation kann niemanden zerstören außer wir selbst. Und
wer von den ‘Kollegen’ nicht mit uns ist, der ist gegen uns, wenn
er sich auch als sogenannter ‘Braver’ aufspielen will.701

Next, in late July one of the masons briefed several Catholic-conservative Landtag

deputies on the matter, asking them to intervene as well.702 Then, in August, a hesitant

strike was announced. Beginning on 14 August 1909 and continuing, with several

interruptions, until December, the Katholische Arbeiterzeitung began printing a large

and visible notice in each issue:

Achtung Steinarbeiter!

Die Dombauhütte in Linz

ist von Seite der Organisation wegen nicht Anerkennung der

christlichen Organisation und wegen Verweigerung der
Kündigungsfrist von 14 Tagen für Neueintretende

Gesperrt.

Zuzug daher bis auf weiteres unter allen Umständen fernzuhalten.

701
“Vom Maria-Empfängnis-Dom.” Katholische Arbeiter-Zeitung, 26 June 1909, p. 4.
702
Zentralkommission der Christlichen Gewerkschaften Österreichs to Hittmair, 30 July 1909.
DAL DOB A-1, Fasz. 20, Sch. 47.
 331

Though blocking the site for new workers may not sound quite as dramatic as a full-

fledged strike, the number of laborers on a given day or in a given week could

fluctuate wildly at the construction site. It was not without reason that the labor

activists were demanding a 14-day Kündigungsfrist.

A week later, the Katholische Arbeiterzeitung published another long article on

its first page. Over the past week, the paper was no doubt inundated with questions on

the situation:

Ein ausgesprochen katholisches Unternehmen verweigert einer

ausgesprochen christlichen Arbeiterorganisation die
Anerkennung, verweigert seinen Arbeitern eine 14tägige
Kündigungsfrist, die selbst - zum Schutz der Arbeiter und
Unternehmer - das Gewerbegesetz fixiert! Ist das möglich? Ja,
daß Gott erbarm, es ist so! Leider!

The article then explained the workers’ grievances in some detail, concluding,

daß dies gerade für unsere Organisation notwendig ist, denn was
wir bei gegnerischen Betrieben durchgesetzt haben und
durchsetzen wollen, sei eigentlich beim Dombau
selbstverständlich, sollte sich die christliche
Gewerkschaftsbewegung nicht der Lächerlichkeit vor der
Oeffentlichkeit ziehen lassen und sollten unsere Gegner nicht mit
Recht sagen können, unsere Organisation seie nicht ernst zu
nehmen.703

703
“Zur Blockierung der Linzer Dombauhütte.” Katholische Arbeiter-Zeitung, 21 August 1909, p.
1.
 332

A meeting was called for the next day, at which Dombau workers and other

Catholic workers expressed their solidarity and passed a resolution protesting the

labor-unfriendly proceedings at the Dombau. The event was well attended and the

resolution agreed upon by those present minced no words in pointing blame: “Die

Versammlung spricht ihr tiefstes Bedauern und ihr schärfste Mißbilligung dem Herrn

Dombaumeister Mathäus Schlager aus, der sie nach Lage des Sache für die

derzeitigen bedauerlichen Vorkommnisse der Oeffentlichkeit gegenüber

verantwortlich macht.“ It then called for the original demands of the workers to be

met, for all Catholic workers to show solidarity, and that the labor organizers “den

Kampf bis zu den letzten Konsequenzen durchführen, falls sich auf gütlichem Wege

das gestreckte Ziel nicht erreichen lässt.”704 Though the resolution was not published

in the Katholische Arbeiterzeitung — the wording was undoubtedly too strong — the

paper began to sharpen its tone over. It turned openly critical of Schlager, whom it

called cold, uncompromising, uncaring, and a liar.705 A week later, one of the labor

organizers wrote a further letter to the Dombau-Committee. The organizers, he wrote,

could not see recommending a cessation to the strike.706 A few days later, the

Katholische Arbeiterzeitung reinforced this view, commenting,

Die Arbeiterschaft ist so erbittert über eine solche Behandlung

wie nie. Man sagt offen, daß ein Sklavenhändler auch nicht
anders handeln kann wir der jetzige Dombaumeister. Wir fragen

704
“Resolution.” 22 August 1909. DAL DOB A-1, Fasz. 20, Sch. 47.
705
“Zur Blockade der Dombauhütte in Linz.” Katholische Arbeiter-Zeitung, 28 August 1909, p. 2.
706
Anton Stocker to Pinzger, 1 September 1909. DAL DOB A-1, Fasz. 20, Sch. 47.
 333

öffentlich an: Gibt’s jemand, der über den Dombaumeister ist?

Wenn ja, so schaffe man hier schnell Ordnung, man müßte sonst
zu sehr “sonderbaren” Gedanken kommen.”707

By the beginning of September, the situation was worse than it had ever been.

The timing of the strike also coincided with a much broader conflict between the

Catholic-conservative and Christian Social wings that was also taking place in the

spring of 1909. While the Christian Social movement could claim few big political

successes in Upper Austria, it had managed to successfully co-opt most of the Catholic

working-class organizations and now the Catholic-conservative hierarchy made a

concerted effort to win them back. In the run-up to the provincial Diet elections in

May of 1909, the Catholic-conservative Welser Zeitung expressly called for the

disbanding of political Catholic working-class associations. Though the Volksblatt had

kept quiet in the matter, other smaller Catholic papers in Steyr and the Salzkammergut

joined the campaign, wooing Catholic workers away from politically active workers’

organizations. Now, four months later in the midst of the Dombau strike, the Welser

Zeitung renewed its assault on the Katholische Arbeiterzeitung: In a string of articles,

it argued that the Arbeiterzeitung was bad for Catholic workers and was the personal

fiefdom of Stocker, Langhammer and other prominent Catholic labor activists.708 In a

typical article, the Welser Zeitung wrote,

Man hat die christlichen Gewerkschaften manchmal hier

707
“Zur Blockade der Linzer Dombauhütte.” Katholische Arbeiter-Zeitung, 4 September 1909, p.
5.
708
“Unser Verhältnis zur Katholischen Arbeiter-Zeitung.” Welser Zeitung, 2 October 1909, pp. 4-
5.
 334

überflüssig, ja für schädlich bezeichnet. Gewiss wo auf

einfachere, kürzere und billigere Weise die Besserstellung des
Arbeiters erreicht werden kann, wo eine ruhige Aussprache zum
gewünschten Ziele führt, dort ist ein kompliziertes Mittel, wie es
die Organisation einmal ist, wirklich überflüssig und schädlich.709

Such smaller papers were much more important than their locations suggest. They

served as regional hubs for a network of rural areas and smaller towns. And it was the

clergy in these towns — especially those destined for a higher office — that controlled

them; they thus tended to support the hierarchy to an even greater degree than the

Linzer Volksblatt.710 By contrast, the Katholische Arbeiterzeitung had by then become

a de facto lay institution, controlled by members of the Christian Social movement.

Indeed, along with the changed name in January 1908 there also came a new chain of

editorial responsibility, with the head of the Christian Social association acting as

editor of the paper.711 The conflict between the smaller Catholic papers and the

Katholische Arbeiterzeitung, like the conflict at the Dombau, can thus be tied into a

larger clash within Catholicism, one between the upper and lower clergy, and between

the clergy and the laity over the right to control the interpretation and practical

application of Catholic doctrine.

709
“Christliche Gewerkschaften.” Welser Zeitung, 15 September 1909, p. 4.
710
Doppelbauer, for example, had helped found the Steyrer Zeitung as a young priest just out of
the seminary in the early 1870s.
711
“…wird es nicht mehr wie bisher heißen ‘Herausgeber und Verleger kath.-polit. Arbeiterverein
für Oberösterreich’ sondern … wird der jeweilige Obmann dieses Vereins … als Herausgeber
zeichnen.” See the correspondence between the katholisch-politischer Arbeiterverein and the SHL,
OöLA StPR Sch. 147. Quote is from Langhammer to SHL, 2 January 1908.
 335

On 10 September 1909, the Dombau committee held its next meeting. Already

the invitation sent out by Pinzger hinted that he was in no mood to cave in to the

workers’ demands.712 At the meeting itself, the members read aloud the resolution

from the 22 August workers’ meeting as well as the newspaper articles from the past

few days. Then Pinzger informed the others that he had been corresponding privately

with one of the heads of the unionization efforts, Stocker, whom he had informed, “bei

einem so brutalen Vorgehen der Arbeiter-Zeitung sei jede Brücke für weitere

Verhandlungen abgebrochen.” All agreed that Pinzger had acted correctly and that

they desired no further contact with the workers as represented by the Katholische

Arbeiterzeitung. The members then consulted on how to best utilize the press to

weaken the movement and restore order at the Dombau. It was decided that Pinzger

should prepare a further reply to Stocker in the liberal Tages-Post, while Schlager

would prepare a longer article for the Linzer Volksblatt, which had thus far remained

silent in the matter, where he would speak for the entire committee in expressing his

sorrow over the brutal and libelous tactics of the workers.713

By now, the social democratic Wahrheit! also began picking up on the story.

Since its exposé the previous May on Dombau wages, the paper had mostly stayed

silent, though it did report on the 22 August workers’ meeting. Now it joined the fray,

712
“1. Besprechung über das Verhalten der christlichen Gewerkschaft; 2. Beratung über die
Arbeitsordnung für die Dombauhütte” where the only items on the agenda that day. The idea that a
proper “Arbeitsordnung” could somehow resolve all the points of contention had been floating around
in the Dombau-committee since January at least. After an hour of debating point one, the committee
adjourned and postponed the second point until the next meeting. Pinzger to Dombau-Committee
Members, 7 September 1909. DOB A-1, Fasz. 20, Sch. 47.
713
Anton Pinzger, Protokoll der Dombau-Komitee-Sitzung am 10. September 11 Uhr vormittags.
DOB A-1, Fasz. 20, Sch. 47.
 336

providing some of the most perceptive articles, including one which linked the strike

to the conflict between the Christian Socials and Catholic-conservatives. The timing of

the recent articles in the local dailies — Welser Zeitung etc. —, it argued, was

certainly no accident and the silence of the Linzer Volksblatt spoke volumes about the

conflict:

Man hat doch die lieben guten Arbeiter zur christlichen

Organisation gezwungen … jetzt konnte man frohe Hoffnung
hegen, daß die so notwendige ‚Ruhe’ beim Dombau erhalten
bleibt. Jedoch, Ausbeutung bleibt Ausbeutung, und der Dombau
in Linz ist genauso eine Knochenmühle wie irgend ein
großkapitalistischer Betrieb irgend eines Ausbeutungsjuden.714

Then, in response to an appeal the Katholische Arbeiterzeitung had made asking who

‘stood above’ the Dombaumeister — the paper was hoping the bishop would intervene

—, the Wahrheit! remarked cheekily, “Wir wüßten wer über dem Dombaumeister ist:

Die Arbeiter. Da Bedarf es gar keiner ‘sonderbaren’ Gedanken, sondern nur einer

Tat!“715

This last remark brilliantly demonstrates the dangers an active Christian

working-class movement presented for the Catholic hierarchy: while collective

solidarity was a powerful tool when used against Jewish industrialists, it presented a

deep threat when introduced into the inner workings of a Catholic organic and social

714
“Zu Was Taugt die Christliche Arbeiterorganisation?” Wahrheit!, 3 September 1909, p. 5.
715
“Vom Dombau.” Wahrheit!, 6 September 1909, pp. 2-3.
 337

hierarchy. The Wahrheit!, well aware of this point, began to push for more radical

action on behalf of the workers and to attack the Dombauleitung as well:

Sie übersehen, daß auch der ‘christliche' Arbeiter infolge der

Ausbeutung durch schlechten Lohn und teure Lebensmittel zum
Klassenkampf getrieben wird. Wie lange wird es vielleicht nun
mehr dauern, daß auch diese Arbeiter einsehen, daß sie nur an
der Seite ihrer kämpfenden Klassengenossen auf die Gehaltung
ihrer Lebenslage bestimmend einwirken können.716

The social democratic press thus simultaneously emphasized the congruence of

Catholic and social democratic worker interests — better wages, living conditions and

working hours — while stressing the impotence of the Christian workers’ associations

in achieving these aims. Socialist agitators began to frequent the worksite, handing out

newspapers and instructing workers where their interests would be better served.717

In the face of mounting critique from both the Catholic and social-democratic

working-class press, the Dombau Committee decided to threaten a lockout. In late

September, the committee issued a statement declaring that it would not give in to the

threats from labor organizers. “Ist das nicht der höhere Terrorismus, um die

Anerkennung zu erzwingen? Bei diesem Wüten wird es wohl jeder begreiflich finden,

daß mit solchen Vertretern eine weitere Verhandlung oder Annäherung ausgeschloßen

716
“Vom Dombau.” Wahrheit!, 13 September 1909, pp. 2-3.
717
“Zur Blockade der Linzer Dombauhütte.” Katholische Arbeiter-Zeitung, 25 September 1909,
pp. 4-5. See also, Pischitz to Hittmayr, 24 August 1910, DAL, DOB A/1 Fasz. 20, Sch. 47.
 338

ist.”718 Around the same time, reports of sabotage also began circulating — doors left

open over night; a sudden fire, extinguished only at the last second; and similar

incidents. The workers blamed Schlager and vice versa.719 The conflict had reached its

crescendo and was quickly escalating out of control.

In October, the Catholic working-class movement began to collapse in face of

the threats from above and below: the social democrats were demanding more radical

action — a real strike — which the Christian working-class leaders did not dare, while

the Dombauleitung and the Catholic-conservative press repeatedly emphasized the

damage Christian Social activists were doing for the reputation of the Catholic

working-class throughout the province. Though the announcement calling on workers

not to join the labor force at the Dombau remained in the Katholische Arbeiterzeitung,

it was smaller and hidden away inside the paper. The few articles that concerned

themselves with the conflict focused on countering the Wahrheit! The Katholische

Arbeiterzeitung now emphasized that strikes destroyed the relations between

employees and employers and, just as often, did not lead to the desired effects. A

Christian-Social Lohnbewegung, on the other hand, tried to find a proper balance. If

nothing was achieved, then also nothing was destroyed.720 In December, the small

notice banning new workers from the Dombau suddenly disappeared altogether, along

with the whole section “Aus Arbeitsstätten” that used to report on Lohnbewegungen in

718
“Des christlichsozialen Arbeiterbetruges Glück und Ende.” Wahrheit!, 24 September 1909, p.
3.
719
“Wie Schützlinge des Dombaumeisters Schlager aussehen.” Katholische Arbeiter-Zeitung, 25
September 1909, p. 5.
720
“Die Wahrheit und Ihre Schreibern hinter Ihren Ohren!” Katholische Arbeiter-Zeitung, 2
October 1909, p. 4.
 339

the region. When it reappeared a few months later, the Dombau strike was not

mentioned again.721 What final settlement the two sides reached is unknown, though

an exchange a year later between the Georg Pischitz,722 a Catholic labor activist and

member of the Upper Austrian Diet, and the head of the Dombau committee, Pinzger,

on the renewed dangers of social democratic agitation at the Dombau hints that the

Dombau-committee had, in fact, recognized the union.723 That this fact was never

made public points to the precarious position that the Catholic workers’ associations

continued to have within the Church. An Ultramontane and organic conception of

society did not leave much room for labor activism.

* * *

To write about the Catholic Church and the working class in Upper Austria is to

reveal the limits and failures of an ‘organic’ conception of society for Catholic

working-class activism. In the 1850s and 60s the dominant view saw the social

question as merely a new chapter in Armenfürsorge. Such an approach did not have a

master plan, though it did leave room for isolated efforts on the behalf of the working

class. The increasing radicalization of the Catholic press in the mid-1860s and 70s —

also the heyday of Lasalle in Catholic Upper Austria, so to speak — helped to shift the

721
There is some correspondence from November between one of the labor organizers, Johann
Reiter, and Pinzger. The tone is much the same as from August and September, with little compromise
on either side and seemingly no hope of resolution.
722
On Pischitz, see, Slapnicka, Politische Führungsschicht, p. 170.
723
One of the social democratic agitators was a signer of the original petition of 43 stonemasons
from June 1908. Pischitz to Pinzger, 27 August 1910, DAL DOB A-1 Fasz. 20, Sch. 47.
 340

contours of the debate away from Armenfürsorge. Most importantly, however, it

paved the way for the social legislation of the 1880s, when Catholic-conservatives

supported the so-called ‘iron ring’ government of Eduard Taaffe and his social

reforms in Vienna.724 Yet while the state now began to address the social question,

priests on a local level remained without the theoretical or practical tools to deal with

the everyday reality of working-class conditions. The Catholic hierarchy, especially

the bishops, did little to foster social activism or the active study of the social question

on the part of the lower clergy; and there was no charismatic Bishop Ketteler in the

Habsburg Monarchy to lead by example. By the late 1880s and in the 1890s, priests

had become disenchanted and turned to the Christian Social movement for guidance.

For the Catholic hierarchy, meanwhile, the success of the Christian Social movement

pointed to the dangers inherent in having the Church participate too actively in

working-class activism: here was a group of Catholic laymen diminishing the moral

authority of the bishops by organizing Catholic working-class associations outside the

‘body’ of the Church, effectively creating a parallel moral conception of Catholic

dogma, one that existed outside of the control of the hierarchy.

Rerum Novarum changed the playing field. For the hierarchy, Rerum Novarum

was interpreted in accordance with the various encyclicals since Aeterni Patris, calling

on Catholics to embrace the teachings of Thomas Aquinas and create an alternative

vision of society based on order, respect for authority, and an organic worldview. In

this vein, the Catholic hierarchy wanted to shift the meaning of Rerum Novarum away

724
The standard account is, William Alexander Jenks, Austria under the Iron Ring, 1879-1893,
(Charlottesville, 1965).
 341

from working-class activism by placing it inside the corpus of texts on Aquinas and an

organic conception of society. In the short run, the Christian Socials gained converts

by emphasizing the radical elements inherent in the encyclical and using them as a

basis for social action, and even claimed that the Roman curia and the pope agreed

with their interpretation. Nevertheless, in Upper Austria the Catholic hierarchy

managed to continually weaken the theoretical and practical space available to

working-class activists, something made abundantly clear in the dynamics of the

Dombau strike. This is not to say that there was no room for the working-class within

the Church — the sheer number of Catholic working-class associations and their

membership certainly attest to that. Rather, there was no place for the politically

active, engaged type of working-class association hinted at in Rerum Novarum and

envisioned by activist priests in the 1890s. As Doppelbauer remarked in 1894,

überhaupt muss es sich der Clerus zur Hauptaufgabe im

kirchlich-politischen Wirken machen, daß die Einheit des
Strebens erhalten, ja noch mehr befestigt werde. Diejenigen, die
an der Einheit rütteln, sind im Vorhinein schon Gegner des
Guten.725

By 1914, the vast majority of Catholic working-class associations had changed to

focus on the leisure time of their members — hiking, picnics and other excursions.

Political activity was, if anything, a distant memory.

725
“Der Klerus und die Presse.” Linzer Volksblatt, 25 December 1894, p. 1.
 342

Conclusion

From 1848 until the First World War, the Catholic Church in Austria and in

Europe underwent a series of deep-seated changes in how it defined itself and how it

approached the ‘secular’ and ‘liberal’ world that surrounded it. This dissertation has

used a regional study of the Catholic Church and its priesthood in Upper Austria to

study aspects of this transformation at a local level – within one diocese – thus

providing a better understanding of how otherwise large and complex processes,

especially Ultramontanism, can be understood on the ground. Furthermore, this

dissertation has sought to better integrate these narratives of Catholic transformation

into Austrian history, thereby providing a better understanding of the Catholic-

conservative contribution to the Kulturkampf in the 1850s to 1870s, and of the

Catholic Church’s approach to the social question from the 1850s to the First World

War.

The fresh appraisal of the role of the Catholic Church and liberals on a local

level in the 1850s reveals important aspects of neoabsolutism overlooked in other

accounts. Far from exiting the political arena after the failures of 1848, liberals

‘discovered’ the possibilities of local government, using the provisional communal

law of March 1849 to barricade their municipalities against intrusion by the state. Linz

and many other municipalities in Upper Austria had a continual succession of mayors

with revolutionary pasts and liberal agendas. Similarly, the Catholic Church also
 343

found new ground to stand on, using lobbying efforts such as the Bischofskonferenz

after 1849 to press for the destruction of the Josephinist bond between church and

state. The Concordat of 1855 represented the pinnacle of these efforts. Here the

Church not only managed to redefine the relationship between itself and the state in

the Habsburg Monarchy, but also removed local privileges held by prelates throughout

the Monarchy, thus clearing the way for a restructuring of the hierarchy in an

Ultramontane fashion.

On the ground, such efforts led to a multifaceted struggle between opposing

liberal and Catholic-conservative camps, as each sought to redefine the Gemeinde –

here in the double meaning of commune and parish – through its efforts. Hospitals and

health care, in Upper Austria the ‘traditional’ domain of various Catholic orders,

became a highly contested area of Catholic-liberal interaction, as the

professionalization of the medical community ran up against the hubris of a post-

Concordat Catholic Church. The fight in Linz over the building of a new general

hospital – one of the first items on the liberal mayor’s agenda after taking office in

1850 – saw each side petitioning the provincial administration and the government in

Vienna for funds and assurances. Moreover, the clash pitted concepts of modern

medicine – of hygienic policing, of having a chief physician and not the bishop take

ultimate responsibility, of treating all diseases and patients equally, of allowing the

city’s medical committee to coordinate all hospitals in times of emergency – against

the Church’s vehement assertions of independence from the state.

A similar dynamic can also be observed in the question of Protestant burials,

where strains of Josephinist legislation – muddled over the years by the dramatic legal
 344

restructuring of 1848 and then by the Stadion administration – left the door open for

local liberals and the Catholic Church to both claim forms of jurisdiction over ‘their’

local cemeteries. The issue of cemeteries brings to light what the Concordat’s special

brand of separation of church and state meant for local governments: because these did

not maintain the communal registries on births, death, weddings and baptisms, they

were at a distinct disadvantage when differences of opinion did arise.

A closer examination of the Kulturkampf itself then reveals the ways in which

the Catholic Church used these dynamics not just to confront liberalism but also to

further a process of self-redefinition. The trial of Bishop Rudigier in the summer of

1869, one of the first big tests of the state’s willingness to take on the Catholic Church

after passage of the 1867 Constitution and the 1868 May Laws, is analyzed from the

perspective of Upper Austria’s clergy. When the Rudigier trial is mentioned in the

existing historiography, these brief treatments tend to focus on the conflict with the

state, the role of the trial within the liberal movement, or the trial as a catalyst for the

Catholic associational movement. Turning the perspective around to that of the clergy

allows for an analysis of how Rudigier sought to craft the image of ‘his’ Kulturkampf

clergy: pious and, most importantly, existing apart – indeed, outside – of the liberal

order of things; a steady rock in the ambiguous currents of the present and a constant

reminder of liberal errors. The trial thus documents the creation of a liberal anti-

clerical meta-narrative. Rudigier’s 1868 trial, which began with a quasi-sermon from

the judge on the importance of liberal values and trials by jury, possessed a liberal

teleology from the outset. Another sensationalist trial, that of the Carmelite monk

Gabriel Gady in 1871, then took this narrative one step further, presenting the
 345

‘Catholic danger’ to the liberal public body, as Gady’s image – and, indeed, implicitly

that of all other monks and priests – was remade into that of a predator, sexual and

otherwise, who ‘enters’ the private home of pious middle-class families through the

confessional.

But liberalism was neither per se secular nor anti-religious, a point often

forgotten by historians; rather, liberals opposed the Ultramontane direction that the

Church was heading in. To liberals, a stridently Ultramontane Roman Catholic Church

seemed impossible to meld with progressive ideas of government. When the pope

purported to stand above the state and demanded of ‘his flock’ that they do the same –

his 1868 decree Non Expedit, for example, forbade Catholics from participating in

republican elections –, this seemed a danger to liberal ideals of statehood everywhere.

In those critical years, liberal Catholics still clamored for a voice within the Church in

order to bring it in line with their ideals of modern statehood, while the Church

systematically closed ranks before them. An examination of the development of the

Old Catholic movement in Upper Austria brings out the deep-seated conflicts that

liberals experienced as they found themselves unable to reconcile the opposing sides –

church and state / religion and liberalism. Furthermore, support for their endeavor did

not come from that liberal bastion, the bourgeoisie, but rather from below. There was,

as this study points out, a large disconnect between the rhetoric of Old Catholic anti-

Ultramontanism and its practice. While the rhetoric consisted of educated, middle-

class displays of masculinity within a perceived public sphere, the reality was that of a

lower-middle and working-class constituency that seemed drawn to the movement and
 346

for often pragmatic reasons: Old Catholic priests, for example, provided services –

baptisms, weddings, funerals – without charge.

The Kulturkampf, as this study has argued, also had other, more long-term

ramifications, especially within the Catholic Church. It is worth returning here to the

Steyr speech on papal infallibility given by Bishop Rudigier shortly after he returned

home from the first Vatican Council:

Durch diesen Satz, der Papst sei unfehlbar in Glaubens- und

Sittensachen, ist eigentlich der christkatholischen Theologie die
Krone aufgesetzt worden. Wir haben jetzt erst ein vollendetes,
wissenschaftliches System.726

Papal infallibility seen as the foundation of a rigorous scholarly apparatus called

‘Catholicism’ was the antipode of liberal Wissenschaft. And, using this system as its

base, Ultramontane Catholics in Austria built a ‘new’ Church on top of the ruins of

Josephinism.

Yet what historians have all too often ignored is the practice of Ultramontanism

after its ascendancy, i.e., after 1870. A closer examination of the Catholic response to

the social question in Upper Austria sheds new light on how Ultramontanism created

its own internal set of contradictions when converted into policy at a local level. When

Rudigier took office in 1854, the Catholic Church viewed the social question as one of

traditional poverty and morality. By the eve of the First World War, the urban poor

had become the “working classes,” victims of a “godless” capitalist system hardly of

726
Rudigier, Unfehlbarkeit. Also reprinted in, Meindl, Leben und Wirken, vol. II, pp. 77-89.
 347

their own making; the Church committed itself to helping these poor. Indeed, by the

late 1890s, it had established a vast network of working-class associations, charitable

institutions and political parties to this end. But this was a process fraught with

internal contradictions. While a broad scope of possible approaches to the social

question existed in the 1850s through 70s, these were, for the most part, independent

ventures not actively supported by the hierarchy.

With the publication of Rerum Novarum in 1891, the Church finally seemed to

find an ‘official’ voice – much like Pius IX on liberalism – that presented a road map

to Catholic working-class activism. However, instead of bringing the different

elements – the higher clergy and bishop, the parish priest, the papal curia in Rome,

and, of course, Catholic employers and employees – together within the Church, the

encyclical had the opposite effect. Each group began to interpret the document in

different ways and to act accordingly. The bishop and higher clergy emphasized the

evils of socialism and the importance of an active Catholic press; their version of the

document barely mentioned the working class and left out working-class associations

altogether. Priests, on the other hand, especially socially active ones, often turned

radical, giving fiery speeches and becoming capable campaigners on behalf of the

working class. While Rome sought to encourage such efforts on behalf of priests – the

pope and his advisors repeatedly expressed their disappointment in the unwillingness

of Austrian bishops to take concerted steps in combating the ‘social question’ – these

efforts had the effect of undermining the rigid Ultramontane hierarchical system

established in the wake of papal infallibility. Indeed, as the awkward strike by

Catholic workers on the grounds of the Maria-Empfängnis-Dom made clear, the praxis
 348

of Catholic working-class activism ran much too deeply against the grain of post-

Vatican I authoritarianism to be of much use.

 349

Appendices

Appendix 1: Bishops of Linz, 1850-1914

1827-1852 Gregorius Thomas Ziegler (1770-1852)

1853-1884 Franz Josef Rudigier (1811-1884)
1885-1888 Ernst Maria Müller (1822-1888)
1889-1908 Franz Maria Doppelbauer (1845-1908)
1909-1915 Rudolf Hittmair (1859-1915)

Appendix 2: Mayors of Linz, 1850-1914

1850-1854 Reinhold Körner (1803-1873)

1854-1856 Josef Ritter von Traunthal (1800-1857)
1856-1861 Vinzenz Fink (1807-1877)
1861-1867 Reinhold Körner (1803-1873)
1867-1873 Viktor Drouot (1811-1897)
1873-1885 Carl Wiser (1800-1889)
1885-1894 Johann Evang. Wimhölzel (1833-1900)
1894-1900 Franz Poche (1844-1916)
1900-1907 Gustav Eder (1861-1909)
1907-1918 Franz Dinghofer (1873-1956)
 350

Appendix 3: Statthalter of Upper Austria, 1850--1914

1849-1851 Alois Fischer

1851-1862 Eduard Freiherr von Bach
1863-1867 Franz Freiherr von Spiegelfeld
1867 (Jan.-Mar.) Eduard Graf Taaffe
1867-1868 Ignaz Freiherr von Schurda
1868-1871 Karl Sigmund Graf von Hohenwart zu Gerlachstein
1871-1872 Sigmund Freiherr Conrad von Eybesfeld
1872-1877 Otto Freiherr von Wiedenfeld
1877-1879 Bohuslav Ritter von Widmann
1879-1881 Felix Freiherr Pino von Friedenthal
1881-1889 Philip Freiherr Weber von Ebenhof
1889-1890 Franz Carl Graf Merveldt
1890-1902 Viktor Freiherr von Puthon
1902-1905 Arthur Graf Bylandt-Rheidt
1905-1916 Erasmus Freiherr von Handel
 351

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